Plotinus A. H. ARMSTRONG Contents General Introduction page 5 Introduction I Life and Writings 11 II The Philosophical and Religious Background of the Enneads 16 III The Thought of Plotinus 26 A Porphyry's Life 45 B On the Three Hypostases 49 C The One or Good 5^ D Nous (a) In its Relation to the One 65 (b) As World of Forms Intellect 71 E Soul (a) In its Relationship to Nous 84 (b) In its Activity in the Sense-world 89 F Our Selves (a) Their Foundation in Nous and Relationship to Universal Soul 113 (b) Higher and Lower Self 116 (c) Descent into the Visible World 121 G The Return of the Soul (a) The First Stages 126 (b) The Return to Nous 138 (c) The Ascent to Union with the One 141 Notes 149 Index 157 introduction I. Life and Writings PLOTINUS TELLS us nothing about his life in his own writings, and all our information about him comes from the biography which his disciple and editor Porphyry wrote as an introduction to the Enneads? Fortunately this is a re- liable source. Porphyry seems to have taken care to be ac- curate, and his account of the six years at the end of Ploti- nus's life when he was with him at Rome is based on close personal knowledge. He is inclined to be gossipy and ram- bling, and has a well-developed sense of his own impor- tance, and sets out not only to glorify his master but to show himself in the most favourable light and to give a very full explanation of his procedure as editor of Ploti- nus's writings: but there seems no reason to doubt his accuracy in matters of fact. Plotinus himself would never say anything about his family or birthplace (see our first extract) and we really do not know to what race or country he belonged, though it has generally been assumed, both in ancient and modern times, that he came from Egypt. (Eunapius says he was from "Lyco," i.e. probably Lycopolis in Upper Egypt, the modern Assiut; but we do not know where Eunapius got this information from or how reliable it is.) And even if we could be sure that he came of a family settled in Upper Egypt, this of course would tell us nothing certain about his race. His name seems to be Latin; the first per- son we know of who bore it was the Empress Plotina, the 1 Careful examination by modern scholars seems to show that the information about Plotinus given by Finnicus Maternus, Eunapius, and Suidas has no independent value: anything dependable in it derives from Porphyry. See Schwyzer's article "Plotin" in Paulys Realenzyklopadie, Band XXI, col. 475-477. Porphyry's Life ap- pears at the beginning of all complete MSS. of the Enneads and is printed in the same place in all editions. Extracts from it are given at the beginning of these selections. 11 12 / Introduction wife of Trajan: but again we cannot draw any conclusions from this about his race or social standing. Nor have we any idea what he looked like. Porphyry tells us (ch. 1) that a good portrait of him was painted, in spite of his objections and without his knowledge, in his lifetime, but we have no evidence that any copy of it or sculpture inspired by it exists. It has been tentatively suggested that a very fine portrait of a philosopher on an ancient sarcophagus 2 repre- sents Plotinus, but there are really no very good reasons for the identification. There is, however, one thing we can be certain about, from Plotinus's own writings and every- thing else we know of him, and that is that he was fully and completely Greek by education and cultural back- ground. Plotinus was born in A.D. 205 and died in 270. His life, that is, covers one of the most turbulent, insecure, and unhappy periods in the history of the Roman Empire: but the external affairs of his time have left no trace in his writings. Philosophy was for the men of his period both a full-time professional occupation and a religious vocation demanding withdrawal from the world, as we can see from the case of the senator Rogatianus, for whom con- version to philosophy meant renunciation of public office. 3 Plotinus, as we shall see, could play his part admirably in the affairs of this world when he thought it his duty to do so, but what occupied his mind, and fills his writings, was the by now immense and complicated tradition of the Greek philosophical schools, contained in a massive bulk of literature, and his own personal intellectual-religious experience. Our first fixed date in his life is 232, when he came to Alexandria to study philosophy (it is interesting to note that he took to the study relatively late in life). Here, so he told his pupils later in Rome, he could find no philo- sophical teacher to satisfy him until someone took him to Ammonius Saccas. We shall say more about the possible effect of this enigmatic person's teaching on Plotinus's 2 cp. Jahrhuch des Deutschen archaologischen Lnstituts, LI (1936), pp. 104-105. 9 Life, ch. 7. Introduction / 13 thought in our next section. He had been brought up a Christian 4 but had abandoned the Christian faith. Among his pupils, besides Plotinus, were the two Origens, the heathen Neo-Platonist who appears several times in Por- phyry's Life and the great Christian teacher and writer. 5 Plotinus was profoundly impressed by his first hearing of him, and remained in his school for eleven years. There can be no doubt that the teaching of Ammonius was the decisive influence on his mind, and determined the charac- ter of his philosophy. At the age of thirty-nine, in 243, he developed a desire to study Persian and Indian philosophy, and joined the Emperor Gordian's expedition to the East But Gordian was murdered in Mesopotamia early in 244, and Plotinus escaped with some difficulty to Antioch. The important thing about this episode, from the point of view of our understanding of Plotinus's thought, is that he never in fact established any sort of contact with Eastern thinkers; and there is no good evidence, internal or ex- ternal, to show that he ever acquired any knowledge of Indian philosophy. After this unsuccessful expedition he came to Rome, in the year 244 at the age of forty, and began to teach philosophy and, after ten years, to write. This was the really productive period of his life and the one which we know best from Porphyry's account. In it Plotinus ap- pears as very much the great Professor; it is in fact the first full-length portrait of a professor in European litera- ture; but he also appears, as our extracts show, as a man of limitless and extremely efficient practical kindliness, a trait not uncommon in great contemplatives. He became a close friend of the Emperor Gallienus and the Empress Salonina, and was probably in as good a position to in- fluence public affairs as any other philosopher in the ancient world. But the reform of the State was now no 4 Porphyry in Eusebius, Ecclesiastical History, VI. 19. 7. 5 The ancient evidence seems to me to make it absolutely clear that these were two different people; cp. Schwyzer, art. cit., col. 480, for some (not to me the strongest) evidence against identi- fying them. Cadiou, in La Jeunesse d'Origene (Paris, 1935), is the main upholder of their identity. 14 / Introduction longer, as it had been in the days of Plato and Aristotle, a prime concern of the philosopher, and his writings show no signs of political activity or interest. He preached and practised withdrawal from the affairs of the world except in so far as his duty to his fellow men forced him to take part in them. We do know, however, from Porphyry 6 that he nearly persuaded the Emperor to found a city of philos- ophers in Campania, to be called Platonopolis and gov- erned according to Plato's Laws: and this was perhaps not quite the ridiculous piece of bookish and unpractical archaism that it appears at first sight. The city was still in the 3rd century the normal unit of civilized living, and it might well have seemed to Gallienus as well as to Plotinus that a philosophically ordered city would serve a useful purpose as a centre of the Hellenic cultural revival which the Emperor had very much at heart, a strong-point of resistance against the barbarization of the Empire and the anti-Hellenic spiritual forces of Gnosticism and Christian- ity. The scheme came to nothing owing to opposition at court, and perhaps was not very likely to have been suc- cessful anyhow: but we need not assume that the results would have been as grotesque as they apear in David Garaett's brilliantly amusing satire. In 269 the illness from which Plotinus died became so much worse that he left Rome for the country estate of his friend Zethus in Campania; there he died in the first half of 270. The illness has been identified as a form of leprosy: how he bore it we can imagine from reading what he has to say about suffering and death in his last nine treatises, written in the last two years of his life. They are full of that noble courage, that clear-sighted refusal to re- gard pain and death as great evils even when suffering severe pain and very near to death, which all the great ancient philosophies, Platonist, Stoic, and Epicurean alike, could inspire in their best adherents. Plotinus only began to write in about 254, after ten years in Rome, at the age of fifty. His writings thus all be- long to the last sixteen years of his life, and we should not *Life, ch. 12. Introduction / 15 expect to find, and do not in fact find, 7 any real develop- ment of thought in them: they represent a mature and fully formed philosophy. But they do not present it system- atically. Plotinus wrote his treatises to deal with particu- lar poults as they arose in the discussions of his school, and during his lifetime they circulated only among its members. In dealing with the particular points, of course, the great principles of his philosophy are always coming in, and we are very conscious that there is a fully worked- out system of thought in the background: but it is pre- sented to us, not step by step in an orderly exposition, but by a perpetual handling and rehandling of the great central problems, always from slightly different points of view and with reference to different types of objections and queries. In editing this mass of detached treatises Porphyry disregarded their chronological order, which, however, he left on record in chapters 4, 5, and 6 of the Life, 8 with some appended remarks designed to show that Plotinus only did his best work while he, Porphyry, was with him, which seem to spring from his own self-importance rather than any objective judgment of the merits of the treatises and are not generally taken seriously by modern students of Plotinus. He divided the treatises into three great groups, more or less according to subject-matter, one con- taining the treatises on the Categories and those of which the principal subject was the One (the Sixth Ennead), one containing the treatises dealing chiefly with Soul and Nous (the Fourth and Fifth Enneads), and one containing all the other treatises (the First, Second, and Third En- neads). By some very vigorous editing he succeeded in tidying these groups into six Enncads or sets of nine treatises, thereby producing that symmetry of sacred num- ber in which he, like others of his age, delighted. In order to do this he had to divide a number of long treatises into several parts (III. 2-3, IV. 3-5, VI. 1-3, VI. 4-5) and 7 F. Heinemann, in his book Plotin (Leipzig, 1921), did attempt to trace such a development, but his conclusions have been gener- ally rejected by Plotinian scholars. 8 The numbers of the treatises in this chronological order will be found in the table at the end of this Introduction, p. 40. 16 / Introduction even to break one up altogether and put the parts into different Enneads (III. 8, V. 8, V. 5, II. 9 were written by Plotinus as a single treatise); and it is possible, though not certain, that it was he who collected the short notes on various subjects which make up III. 9 into a single treatise to make up his number. But though he was so high- handed in the arrangement of his material he seems to have treated the text of Plotinus with great respect, and to have done no more than correct his master's somewhat erratic spelling. 9 We can be reasonably sure that in the Enneads we are reading Plotinus, however oddly arranged, and not Porphyry. II. The Philosophical and Religious Background of the Enneads The immediate philosophical background of Plotinus's thought is of course the teaching of the Platonic school. Antiochus of Ascalon, who died about 68 B.C. and whose lectures Cicero heard at Athens, had revived positive philosophical teaching in Plato's school, the Academy, after its sceptical and negative period. His own philosophy seems to have been a rather unsatisfactory sort of Stoic- Platonic eclecticism. But from this eclecticism there de- veloped in the first two centuries A.D., with considerable influence from the revived studies of the mature works of Aristotle and the contemporary revival of Pythagoreanism, a new version of Platonism which in some ways antici- pates Plotinus and has been of the very greatest impor- tance for the later development of traditional European philosophy. The representatives of this Middle Platonism about whom we know anything are a very variegated col- lection. The best known is Plutarch, a thoroughly cultured and well-read man with wide interests and a very attrac- tive personality, but not a profound or original thinker. Then there are serious but not very inspiring professional philosophers like Albinus, the sort of people who must have contributed most to the building up of Middle Plato- 9 See the discussion in Plotini Opera I, ed. P. Henry and H. R. Schwyzer, Praejatio, pp. ix-x. Introduction / 17 nism: and a fringe of third-rate transcendentalist speechi- fiers like Apuleius and Maximus of Tyre, who represent the popular pseudo-philosophy of the period in its most repectable form: for ideas derived from this new form of Platonism penetrated to still lower intellectual levels, into the secret revelations of Gnostics and Hermetists and right down to the magicians and alchemists. At the very beginning of the Christian era we find a remarkable at- tempt to interpret the Jewish Scriptures with the help of a not very consistent or coherent understanding of Greek philosophy, in which ideas of a Middle Platonist type predominate, in the works of Philo of Alexandria. The thought of the Neo-Pythagoreans, in so far as they were really philosophers and not just theosophists and magi- cians, is not easy to distinguish from that of the Platonists, and it seems best to regard both as forming part of a single group. Numenius, one of the most important of the im- mediateTE5reHimiefsl5f TPlqtinus^can be called^ a Neo- Pyttegftfean, though it seems better to regard him as a Pythagpreanizing Platonist. For our present purposes it will be enough to give a summary account of the main tendencies and character- istics of this philosophical movement without going into differences between individuals. Like the philosophy of Plotinus himself it is, as far as it is serious, a learned and bookish philosophy. Commentary on the works of Plato and Aristotle is beginning to become an important part of philosophical activity. Doxography, too, the collection and systematic arrangement of the opinions of the leading thinkers of all schools on the principal philosophical top- ics, plays a very important part in the philosophical de- velopment of the period. This learned activity brought with it a certain amount of eclecticism. The Platonists re- mained Platonists and not Aristotelians or Stoics; but they did sometimes study the opinions of thinkers of other schools with respect and in the hope of learning something from them. So we find in Middle Platonism a certain amount of Stoic influence and a much more important (at least from the point of view of the development of Neo-Platonism) admixture of Aristotelianism. 18 / Introduction The first principle of reality for the Middle Platonists is a transcendent Mind or God. The transcendence of this God is often very strongly stressed: jt ology^' jh descriptioi^of Ja rather Jlian what^ He is, so characteristic of Plotinus and traditional theology ever since, begins to appear: and in some Neo-Pythagoreans we find anticipations of Plotinus's doctrine of the One. 10 This supreme Divine Mind is the place of the Platonic Forms or Ideas. Albinus speaks of them as "thoughts of God." This is a new development whose importance for the history of philosophy and the- ology need hardly be stressed. Jt ensured for the Platonic Ideas the place in traditional Christian thinking which they have never lost. Plotinus's own doctrine is, as we shall see, rather different from but clearly dependent on the Middle Platonist. Below the supreme Mind in the Middle Plato- nists there is sometimes to be found a Second Mind or God, with a world -moving or world-ordering function, and below that again the Soul of the World. In the more popular versions of Middle Platonism the daemones, being inter- mediary between gods and men who appear in Greek be- lief as early as Hesiod, play an important part. The idea of a hierarchy of spiritual powers between the Supreme God and our world is always apparent. About matter and the origin of Evil the Middle Platonists disagreed; but they inclined to a dualist solution of the problem of evil, whether they saw its origin in an evil soul (Plutarch) or in matter itself (Numenius). This very summary and sketchy account should be enough to show that the philosophy of Plotinus is in ah 1 essentials a development (though sometimes a very bold and original one) of the Middle Platonist school tradition. But there is another philosophical influence on his thought which must not be neglected. Plotinus demotes a fire at deal 10 For a fuller discussion of Middle Platonist theology and its origins, cp. the first two chapters of my book The Architecture of the Intelligible Universe in the Philosophy of Plotinus (Cam- bridge, 1940): though much of what I say there about Plato needs drastic revision in the light of recent studies of the last phases of his thought. Introduction / 19 of time and energy in his wrkmgsjto^_dealing with Stoicism, and in particular with the curious Stoic way l being in tenns gl^bgdy^ It was" ^ ^^ ^ probably the struggleTo free his own mind^anxTme minds of his pupils from the very pervasive influence of the Stoic conception of God and the soul as a sort of gas that led Plotinus to the very clear understanding of the difference between spiritual and material being which is such a valu- able feature of his thought. But he does none the less show evidence of the influence of Stoicism, to a greater degree than his Middle Platonist predecessors and on some very important aspects of his thought. One of the things which must strike any reader ofj^otinuj^ !FTie~comes to him frorn^ Plato, isjiis emphasis on_ life. Plalo^^S^toTTave" imagined the Tpif ttSlf^w^d^ai^ place of static, regular mathematical pattern and geomet- rical intelligence ordering all things on that pattern. Plo- tinus's spiritual world is a place "boiling with life," where infinite power wells up and surges eternally in a carefree spontaneity without plan or need into a splendid super- abundance of living forms. And both spiritual and material worlds are for him in their very different ways organisms, unities-in-diversity held together in a living whole by a single life. The liberation from Stoic corporeal ways of thinking enables Plotinus to give his own original develop- ments to this sense of life. But it is impossible not to see that it owes a very great deal to the dynamic vitalism of the Stoics, who saw the universe as a single living organ- ism held together, enlivened, and ensouled by the Divine Fire which was the fullness both of life and intelligence. Plotinus of course, like his Platonist predecessors, con- sidered his philosophy not, as modern historians of philos- ophy consider it, as a philosophy inspired by Plato and historically derived from Plato, but with a great many new and distinctive features which are certainly not to be found in Plato's own thought, but simply as an exposition of Plato's own system. It is quite clear from his writings that he thought that Plato had a systematic philosophy, that the answers to all important philosophical questions were to be found in the Dialogues if only they were interpreted 20 / Introduction rightly, and that the duty of a Platonist philosopher was simply to find and proclaim the right interpretations. Uiit in fact the greatest difference between Plato and the Mid.- . 21 V. 5. 6 (C, p. 56): cp. my note on this passage (C, 4, p. 151). 30 / Introduction and to relegate, again, to the second level of reality, that of Nous. But he is so anxious to make clear that this does not mean that the life of the One is mere unconsciousness, to show that He is more, not less, than Mind at the high- est level at which we can conceive it, that he attributes to the One a "super-intellection," 22 a simple self-intuition, 23 an immediate self-consciousness 24 higher than the thought of Nous. And when he calls the One "formless" he does so because He is Infinite, without limits, and because, pre- cisely as One (here Piotinus follows the Pythagorean- Platonic tradition very closely) He is the Principle of form, of number, measure, order, and limit; and a source or principle for Piotinus is always other and more than that which it produces. Piotinus by his use of negative language stresses the transcendence of the One to an extreme degree. But he is very careful to exclude all ideas of a quasi-spatial sort about this transcendence. The One is not a God "outside" the world (an idea very fashionable in the early centuries of our era, as in many later periods). Nor is He remote from us, but intimately present in the centre of our souls; or rather we are in Him, for Piotinus prefers to speak of the lower as in the higher rather than the other way round; body is in soul and soul in Nous and Nous in the One (he is quite aware that, whichever way we put it, we are using an inadequate spatial metaphor). The hierarchical order of levels of being docs not imply the remoteness of the One, because they are not spatially separate or cut off from each other; aUjarejDTesent togeth^uij^eiywhgr^^Ajid just be- cause the__One_is_not any particular thing He is present to all thmgs^accordiiiglg their oapaclty to receive HujaJ From the One proceeds the first "great derived reality, Nous, the Divine Mind which is also the World of Forms or Ideas, and so the totality of true being in the Platonic sense. Its procession from the One is necessary and eternal, as in their turn are the procession of Soul from Nous and the forming and ordering of the material universe by Soul. 22 VI. 8. 16 (C, p. 60). as VI. 7. 38-39 (C, p. 59). 2 *V. 4. 2 (C, p. 59). Introduction / 31 In the thought of Plotinus, as in Greek philosophical thought (except Epicurean) in general, the universe as a whole in all its levels, spiritual and material, is eternal and it is impossible to conceive of any part of it not existing or existing otherwise than as it is. The way in which Nous proceeds from the One and Soul in its turn from Nous is rather loosely and inadequately described as "emanation." The background of Plotinus's thought at this point is cer- tainly a late Stoic doctrine of the emanation of intellect from a divinity conceived as material light or lire, and his favourite metaphor to describe the process is that of the radiation of light or heat from sun or fire (he also uses others of the same sort, the diffusion of cold from snow or perfume from something scented). But he is not content merely to use this traditional analogy and leave it at that, to allow the generation of spiritual beings to be thought of in terms of a materialistically conceived automatism. Nous proceeds from the One (and Soul from Nous) without in any way affecting its Source. There is no activity on the part of the One, still less any willing or planning or choice (planning and choice are excluded by Plotinus even on a much lower level, when he comes to consider the forming and ruling of the material universe by Soul). There is simply a giving-out which leaves the Source unchanged and undiminished. But though this giving-out is necessary, in the sense that it cannot be conceived as not happening or as happening otherwise, it is also entirely spontaneous: there is no room for any sort of binding or constraint, in- ternal or external, in Plotinus's thought about the One. for thgjTfnrpgsinni of aJLthings tive and creatfvie.TTere his tEoughl isfcertainly ^B^TPTato's refectfon^oT the^oI^TGreek doctfmcF of divine ei^Jfrj^ is slated by Plato as a necessary consequence of supreme moral goodness be- comes in Plotinus a law of all being. Here we touch an element of his thought which is of great importance, the 2*29e.: cp. V. 4. 1 (C, p. 63). 32 Introduction enighasis^on life, on the dynamic, vital character of spir- itual being. Perfection for him Is not merely static. It is a fullness of living and, productive power. The One for hinj E'Tife and Power, an infinite spring of power, an un- bounded life, and "therefore necessarily productive. And as it is one of the axioms which Plotinus assumes without discussion that the product must always be less than, in- ferior to the producer, what the One produces must be that which is next to. Him in excellence, namely Notts. Plotinus, when he gives a more precise account of how Nous proceeds from the One, introduces a psychological element into the process which goes beyond his light- metaphor. He distinguishes two "moments" in this time- less generation; the first in which Nous is radiated as an unformed potentiality and the second in which it turns back to content and becomes the totality of real existence. Here we meet another of the great principles of the phi- losophy of Plotinus; that all derived beings depend for their existence, their activity, and their power to produce in their turn, on their contemplation of their source. Con- templation always precedes and generates activity and production. 26 Plotinus's conception of Nous is, as the selections in Section D will show, an extremely rich and complex one. It is because of this complexity and richness of content, which makes the use of any single English word for it in- adequate and misleading, that I have, in accordance with the principles of this series, kept the transliterated Greek word in my translation where it refers to the Second Hy- postasis and does not simply mean "intellect" in general. >JThe only other Greek word which I have found it neces- s*ary to keep is logos in its special Neo-Platonic sense of "a formative force proceeding from a higher principle which expresses and represents that principle on a lower plane of being." TJUI& jVgMgjg a logos of the On^jind^oul otNou$. 27 It is an important term because it expresses the unity and continuity of the different levels of being in Plotinus's system. 26 C p. III. 8, 4 and 5 (E (b), pp. 94-95). 27V. 1. 6 (D (a), p. 65). Introduction / 33 Nous is for Plotinus both thought and object of thought, both the Divine Intellect and the Platonic World of Forms, the totality of real beings. This unity of thought and Forms in a single reality is, to judge from the opposition which it aroused from Porphyry on his first entrance into the school and, apparently, from Longinus, 28 one of the most original features of Plotinus's thought. The Middle Platonists had already taught - "thoughts of God"j( though the opposition to Plotinus sug- gests that this doctrine was not universally accepted in the school), but Plotinus goes a good deal beyond this in his assertion of the absolute co-equality and unity-in-diversity of thought, life, and being. The result is a complete trans- formation of the Platonic World of Forms. It is no longer a structure, logically or mathematically conceived, of static universal norms, but an organic living community of interpenetrating beings which are at once Forms and in- telligences, all "awake and alive," in which every part thinks and therefore in a real sense is the whole; so that the relationship of whole and part in this spiritual world is quite different from that in the material world, and in- volves no sort of separation or exclusion. This unity-in- diversity is the most perfect image possible on the level of being (in the Platonic sense of formed, defined "thisness") of the absolute Unity of the One, Whom Nous in its or- dinary contemplation cannot apprehend as He is in His absolute simplicity; so it represents His Infinity as best it can in the plurality of Forms. Nous itself is infinite in power and immeasurable, because it has no extension and there is no external standard by which it could be meas- ured, but finite because it is a complete whole composed of an actually existing number (all that can possibly exist) of Forms, which are themselves definite, limited realities. Looked at from the point of view of our own human nature and experience, Nous is the level of intuitive thought, a thought which grasps its object immediately and is always perfectly united with it, and does not have to seek it outside itself by discursive reasoning: and we at our highest are Nous, or Soul perfectly formed to the like- ** Life, eh. 18,20. 34 / Introduction ness of Nous (this is a point on which there is some varia- tion in Plotinus's thought). Plotinus in some passages at least admits the existence of Forms of individuals, and this enables him to give our particular personalities their place in the world of Nous, with the eternal value and status which this implies. And this means that in that world, where the laws of space and time do not apply and the part is the whole, we are Being and the All. This is the explanation of a number of so-called pantheistic passages in Plotinus. 29 In order to understand them correctly we must remember (i) that they refer to Nous (Being or the All) not to the One; (ii) that to become Nous does not involve the destruction or absorption of the particular in- dividual personality but its return to its perfect archetypal reality, distinguished in unity from all other archetypal realities, individual and universal. Soul in Plotinus is very much what it is in Plato, the great intermediary between the worlds of intellect and sense and the representative of the former in the latter. It proceeds from Nous and returns upon it and is formed by it in contemplation as Nous proceeds from and returns upon the One: but the relationship of Soul to Nous is a much more intimate one. Soul at its highest belongs to the world of Nous: and Plotinus hesitates a good deal over the question of whether its going out from that world to form and order the material universe is a fall, an act of illegitimate self-will and self-assertion, or a good and nec- essary part of the universal order. He tries hard to recon- cile the two points of view and bring his thought into con- sistency, but he does not quite succeed. On the whole, however, the positive way of looking at the situation pre- dominates in the Enneads. The activity of Universal Soul in forming and ruling the material universe is regarded as wholly good and divine. It is an activity which is, like pro- duction on higher levels, at once necessary and spontane- ous, the overflowing of contemplation into action, and it takes place altogether without effort, deliberate choice, or planning. Universal Soul has two levels, the higher where it acts 29 Notably VI. 5. 12 (G (6), p. 140). Introduction / 35 andjntelligent direction, and the lower where it operates principle of life and growth. This lower is in fact (though Plotinus is reluctant to admit it) a fourth distinct hypos- tasis, and has its special name, Nature. It is related to the higher soul as the higher soul is to Nous and, like it, acts or produces as a necessary result of contemplation; but be- cause its contemplation is the last and lowest sort of con- templation, a sort of dream, 30 it is too weak to produce anything which is itself productive. So what it produces is the immanent forms in body, the ultimate level of spiritual being, which are noncontemplative and so spiritually ster- ile and below which lies only the darkness of matter. The characteristic of the life of Soul is movement from one thing to another; unlike Nous it does not possess being as a whole, but only one part at a time, and must always be moving from one to the other; it is the level of discur- sive thought, which does not hold its object in immediate possession but has to seek it by a process of reasoning; and its continual movement from one thing to another produces time, which is "the life of the soul in move- ment," 31 and is the cause of all physical movement in space and time. Our individual souls are "Plotinian parts" of Universal Soul, parts, that is, which in the manner proper to spiritual being have the whole in a certain sense present in them and can if they wish expand themselves by contemplation into universality and be the whole because they completely share Universal Soul's detachment from the body it rules. The individual soul's descent into body is for Plotinus both a fall and a necessary compliance with the universe and the plan of Universal Soul 32 (Plotinus here is very con- scious of a tension in Plato's thought as well as in his own). The spiritual state of the soul in body depends on its attitude. If it devotes itself selfishly to the interests of the particular body to which it is attached it becomes en- trapped in the atomistic particularity of the material world s III. 8.4 (E (b),p. 94). si III. 7. 11 (E (6), p. 106). *2 IV. 8. 5 (F (c),p. 123). 36 / Introduction and isolated from the whole. TTiejpot_^in__rfj!^^ setfjgolation, j>y. which 4t~ i& imp]isQnd4aJ2Qdy and cut offf ronf its ETgh destiny. But the mere fact of being in body d^e^ not Tniply imprisonment in body. That only comes if the soul surrenders to the body; it is the inward attitude which makes the difference. It is always possible for a man in the body to rise beyond the particularism and narrowness of the cares of earthly life to the universality of transcendent Soul and to the world of Nous. Universal Soul is in no way hampered by the body of the universe which it contains and administers: and the celestial bodies of the star-gods in no way interfere with their spiritual life. 33 It is not embodiment as such but embodiment in an earthly, animal body which the Platonist regards as an evil and a handicap. The material universe for Plotinus is a living, organic whole, the best possible image of the living unity-in- diversityofjhe World of Forms in Nous. It is held to- gether in every part by a universal sympathy and har- mony, in which external evil and suffering take their place as necessary elements in the great pattern, the great dance of the universe. As the work of Soul, that is as a living structure of forms, it is wholly good, and everlasting as a whole though the parts are perishable (the universe of Nous is of course eternal as a whole and in every part). All in it that is life and form is good; but the matter which is its substratum is evil and the principle of evil. Matter according to Plotinus never really unites with form; it re- mains a formless darkness on which form is merely super- imposed. It is non-being in the sense not of a "zero" but a "minus," a force or principle of negation (in the Aris- totelian language which he sometimes uses, Plotinus iden- tifies hule with steresis). Matter then is responsible for the evil and imperfection of the material world: but that world is good and necessary, the best possible image of the world of spirit on the material level where it is necessary that it should express itself for the completion of the whole. It has not the goodness of its archetype but it has the good- ness of the best possible image. *11.9. 8(E (6), p. 98). Introduction / 37 (iii) The return of the soul to the One has nothing to do for Plotinus with movement in space and the final union can be attained while still in the body (though, for the human soul at least, he thinks that permanent union is only at- tainable when the soul has finally left the body). The process is one of interiorization, of turning away from the external world, of concentrating one's powers inwardly in- stead of dissipating them outwardly, of rediscovering one's true self by the most vigorous intellectual and moral disci- pline, and then waiting so prepared for the One to declare His presence, for the final illumination and union. The re- discovery of one's true self is a return to Nous] for, as we have seen, Plotinus teaches that we are more than soul, we are Nous\ and "we do not altogether come down"; the highest part of our selves remains in the world of Nous even when we are embodied (it is our archetypal original, the individual Form of which our soul is a Logos). And, when we are Nous, we can share in its self-transcendence and contemplate the One with that in our Nous which is not Nous, 34 though our experience of this highest state can only be a rare and fleeting one as long as we are handi- capped by the body. OfjftgJ^ to leave Plotinus himself to speak. But there are two tfiin^s^^oaaTirwRich shoiild"Be saidlo avoid misunderstanding. The first is that Plotinus insists that there is no short cut, no mysticism which does not demand moral and intellectual perfection. We must ascend to Nous first, and it is only as Nous, as a being per- fect in wisdom and goodness, that union with the One is possible. This union transcends our intellectual and moral life because in it we ascend to the Source of intellect and goodness which is more than they are, but it is only pos- sible because our intellectual and moral life has reached its perfection. We are "carried out by the very surge of the wave of Nous/' 35 It is the completion and confirmation, not the negation and destruction of all that we have done 34 v, 5< 7 _ 8 (D ( fl ), p. 66). ss VI. 7. 36 (G (c),p. 146). 38 / Introduction ourselves (as Plotinus would say; a Christian would say, that God has done in us) to bring our selves to perfection, to the fullest consciousness and activity. And, again, be- cause it is as Nous that we attain to union, it would seem that it is not Plotinus' s thought that our individual person- alities are finally absorbed and disappear. It is true that in the union we rise above Nous to a state in which there is no consciousness of difference from the One, in which there is no longer Seer and Seen, but only unity. But uni- versal Nous, of which we are then a part, exists continu- ally in that state of union without prejudice to its proper life of intuitive thought and unity-in-diversity. There is never any suggestion in Plotinus that all things except the One are illusions or fleeting appearances. (iv) The modern literature on Plotinus is very extensive: a complete survey of everything published up to 1949 will be found in B. Marien's Bibliografia Critica degli Studi Plotiniani (Bari, Laterza, 1949, published with the last volume of Cilcnto's translation). The first satisfactory critical edition of the text of the Enneads, by P. Henry and H. R. Schwyzer, is now in course of publication (vol. I, containing the first three Enneads was published in 1951 by Desclee de Brouwer, Paris, and L'fidition Universelle, Brussels). The texts of the Teubner (R. Volkmann) and Bude (6. Brehier) editions are not at all satisfactory, though Brehier's translation and introductions and notes to the several treatises in the Bude edition are of great value. The text of the old edition of Creuzer and Moser (re- printed with Ficino's Latin translation, Didot, 1855) is preferable to that of Volkmann and Brehier. The great German and Italian translations of R. Harder (Leipzig, 1930-1937) and V. Cilento (Bari, 1947-1949) are most important contributions to our understanding of Plotinus. The English translation by Stephen Mackenna and B. S. Page (Medici Society, 1926-1930) is a noble and attrac- tive piece of work, to which I am indebted for many happy renderings of particular phrases, though 1 have tried on the whole to give a plainer version and one closer to the Introduction / 39 Greek. (I have used the Henry-Schwyzer text for the first three Enneads, and the Bude (Brehier's) text, with a few, as it seems to me necessary, deviations, for the others.) The English titles for the treatises in the table on pages 40-44 are taken from Mackenna. The most thorough and scholarly introduction to Ploti- nus is H. R. Schwyzer's article in Paulys Realenzyklo- pddie d. klassischen Altertumswissenschajt (Band XXI, 1951, col. 471-592). . Brehier's La Philosophic de Plotin (Paris, 1928) and Dr. Inge's Gifford Lectures (The Philosophy of Plotinus, 2 vols., 3rd edition, Longmans, 1929) are still well worth reading. Another good short in- troduction is M. de Gandillac's La Sagesse de Plotin (Paris, 1952). Table PASSAGES NUMBER IN TRANSLA1ED PORPHYRY'S IN THESE CFIRONO- SELECTIONS LOGICAL (chapter ORDER ENNEADS REFERENCE AND TITLE reference) PAGE 53 I. 1. On the Animate and the Man 10 119 19 I. 2. On the Virtues 2-3 130 20 I. 3. On Dialectic 1-3 4-5 127 128 46 I. 4. On Happiness 14 16 131 132 36 L 5. Whether Happiness depends upon Extension of Time 1 1. 6. On Beauty 2 7-8 136 126 54 I. 7. On the First Good _ _ 51 L 8. On Evil 3 7 15 109 110 112 16 I. 9. On the Reasoned Dismissal _ 40 II. 1. On the World 15 II. 2. The Heavenly Circuit _ 52 II. 3. Are the Stars Causes? 7 17-18 99 92 12 40 H. 4. Matter in its Two Kinds 5 16 111 112 Table / 41 NUMBER IN PORPHYRY'S CHRONO- LOGICAL ORDER 25 17 37 35 33 3 47 48 15 50 26 45 30 13 21 ENNEADS REFERENCE AND TITLE II. 5. Existence, Potential and Actual II. 6. On Quality II. 7. On Coalescence II. 8. *F/ry Distant Objects Appear Small II. 9. Against the Gnostics PASSAGES TRANSLATED IN THESE SELECTIONS (chapter reference) PAGE III. 1. On Fate III. 2. On Providence I III. 3. OH Providence II III. 4. 0/i 0#r Tutelary Spirit III. 5. On Love III. 6. T/z), n. 13, p. 154). Plato applies the epithet "civic" to virtues at Republic, TV, 430c, but without any impli- cation of the sort of distinction made here. They are called "purifications" at Phaedo, 69 b-c. 6. (I. 2. 3.) The phrase "mixed with the body," with the same dualistic implication, is used at Phaedo, 66b. 156 / Notes 7. (II. 9. 18.) The phrase translated "Sibylline ravings" is one used by Heraclitus in speaking of the Sibyl (Diels, 22B. 92), stomati mainomenoi. 8. (V. 8. 1.) This very important departure from Plato's view of the artist is expounded in the Republic, where he is treated as a mere copyist of nature, goes back at least to the age of Cicero, who speaks in the same way of Phidias having no visible model for his Zeus or Athena, but imitating an ideal beauty perceived by the mind (Orator, II, 8-9: cp. Philostratus, Life of Apollonius, VI. 19. 2.) Cicero, of course, must owe the idea to some Greek source, from which Philostratus and Plotinus also ultimately derive it. (b) The Return to Nous 1. (V. 8. 11.) Nous in this and the next extract is called "the god"; it is the being to which for Plotinus the name theos is most properly applied. He very occasionally uses the word of the One, but, like all human terms, it is inadequate to describe Him. See Introduction III, p. 28. 2. (VI. 5. 12.) A quotation from the Odyssey, 17. 486. (c) The Ascent to Union with the One 1. (VT. 7. 34.) Plotinus's mind slides naturally, but illogically, from the state after the union in which the soul may attempt to speak of its experience, to the return to union itself, in which of course, the soul cannot speak at all. 2. (VI. 7. 35.) Man in his normal state is not conscious of this continual presence of the Good to the Nous in him: cp. V. 5. 12 (C, p. 62). 3. (VI. 7. 36.) Republic, VI, 504e. The phrase introduces the great discussion of the Good, in which It is compared to the sun, which is the foundation of the theology of Plotinus. 4. (VI. 9. 11.) See note on V. 1. 6 (D (a), p. 152).