ATMAN IN PRE-UPANISHADIC VEDIC LITERATURE 


BY 

H. G. NARAHARI, M.A., M.LiTT., 

Research Fellow, Department of Sanskrit, 
University of Madras 



Thesis approved for the Degree of Master of Letters 
in the University of Madras 



ADYAR LIBRARY' 
1944 



13 sR: l*?: l: i5 II 

RV. X. 14.15 

* 

" Obeisance unto the seers of old, the ancient 
makers of the Path. 11 



FOREWORD 

IT gives me very great joy to write a foreword to this 
book of^Mr. H. G. Narahari who was formerly m> 
student in the Sanskrit Department of the University 
of Madras. He worked under my supervision for two 
years from October 1939, and prepared this Thesis foi 
which the University awarded him the Degree oi 
Master of Letters. The Thesis is now being published 
in the form of a book. It must be a matter of pride, 
even to senior scholars of standing, to have their books 
published in the Adyar Library Series in which many 
important works have already appeared. My first duty 
is to congratulate Mr. Narahari in being able to have 
his first publication included in this well-known Series. 
I began to study the Vedic literature about twenty- 
five years ago. I worked mainly on the Vedic com- 
mentaries and I was able to discover, identify (settling 
the dates and other details) and publish many of them 
which were unknown till a few years ago. There was 
one central idea which always appealed to me and that 
is that, in studying the ancient literature of India, we 
must not overlook the Indian tradition. It was the 
belief among the European scholars in the last century 
that there was no real Vedic interpretation in India in 
ancient times and that Sayana simply wrote put 2 



Vlll 

commentary on the Vedas by depending on his imagina- 
tion and his erudition, without the aid of any systematic 
literature on the subject, handed down to him by tradi- 
tion. The discovery of many earlier commentaries on 
the .Vedas in recent times has disproved this position. 
Thus it can now be asserted that there was a continu- 
ous tradition of interpreting the text of the Vedas in 
ancient India. 

In the matter of interpreting the thoughts con- 
tained in the Vedic texts also, there was a continuous 
tradition in India. Here too we can reach the right 
goal only by taking int6 consideration the literature 
that is available in Sanskrit on this subject. Indian 
tradition records the existence of a high state^of civiliza- 
tion on the Indian soil in some very ancient times ; 
from that time onwards there was a decline in civiliza- 
tion. The standards of those ancient times were 
accepted as the ideal throughout the ages in India, in 
all aspects of civilized life. The actual literary re- 
cords of that ancient civilization are not very volumi- 
nous, and are contained in what is now called the Vedas. 
Apart from the actual literature, there was also a tradi- 
tion handed down from generation to generation. 
Times changed ; customs and manners changed ; ideals 
changed. Yet there was an unbroken continuity of 
civilized life with its, root in those Vedic times. The 
civilization of that early period made such a great im- 
pression on the nation that, throughout its history, it 
was impossible fop the leaders of thought to suspect 
that there could be anything wrong in what has been 



IX 

inherited from that period. This attitude continued to 
dominate the mind of the Indians till a short timfe ago 
when a new outlook took possession of the thoughts of 
the Indians, 

That the world started from a state of uniformity 
and progressed through a process of differentiation is a 
doctrine known and accepted by the thinkers of old in 
India. Further differentiation and Complexity are the 
marks of what is called the evolution of the Universe: 
But the theory of evolution developed by the scientists 
of the last century in Europe accepted only a single 
line of such an evolution, and gave no room for the 
reverse process of involution. Nor did it include the 
possibility of different lines of evolution started at dif- 
ferent periods in the history of the Universe. As a 
matter of fact, such a line of thought could not have 
found a place in the scientific theories of the last cen- 
tury in so far as certain antecedent beliefs of the 
European nations necessarily coloured their scientific 
advancement, though science developed in opposition 
to the beliefs of former times. According to Biblical 
calculations, the world had its origin only about five 
milleniums ago. Even the science of Geology, on which 
most of the theories about the age of the earth were 
based, did not calculate the age of human life on the 
earth as very much farther back in history than what 
religion had taught the nation for many centuries. The 
scientists of the nineteenth century could not think of 
man having passed through high sttages of civilization, 
in so far as man's history is so very short. Thus the 



X 



necessary conclusion was that whatever records of 
man's past history are available must be interpreted as 
man's first efforts to find his way in this world to which 
he was quite new. It was Max Miiller who gave shape 
to these various theories regarding the history of the 
Aryan race and the achievements of the Aryans in pre- 
historic times and in the early periods of history. The 
Aryans entered India only about four thousand years 
'ago, and the Vedas record man's experiences and 
aspirations in those early periods of his history on 
this earth. Man's thoughts started with religion and 
with ritualism, and slowly began to rise to the 
levels of philosophy. Max Miiller established the 
doctrine of the Vedic Sarhhitas being texts on religion 
and ritualism with some occasional flashes of philo- 
sophy, and marked the stages of philosophical growth 
out of theology and religion as polytheism, henotheism, 
monotheism and monism. The last stage was reached 
only in the Upanisadic period. . He enunciated the 
doctrine of a complete antithesis between the theology, 
religion and ritualism of the Vedic Sarhhitas on one 
side, and the philosophy of the Upanisads on the other 
side. Although there have been slight readjustments 
here and there, no exponent of Indian philosophy has 
appreciably deviated from this path which Max Miiller 
had marked out. The only real development from this 
theory was in postulating that theology and ritualism 
were the contribution of the Brahmins, while philosophy 
was the contribution of the Ksatriyas. Richard Garbe 
was the exponent of r this theory. 



XI 



The spirit of Indian tradition had been to consider 
the whole of the Vedic literature as a single, harmoni- 
ous unit. The post- Vedic development of Indian 
civilization, according to Indian tradition, was a con- 
tinuous extension of this Vedic civilization. The 
Puranas, the Dars'anas and all the S'astras were only 
true interpretations of the Vedic thoughts in newer 
ways to make these thoughts understandable to the 
later generations. As such, Indian tradition assert- 
ed that not only there was harmony within the" Vedic 
texts, there was also the same harmony between the 
Vedic texts and the post-Vedic S'astras which attempt- 
ed an interpretation of the Vedic texts. 

It is well known that in the post-Vedic civilization, 
as represented by the Puranas, there was no conflict 
between theology and philosophy, between religion and 
rationalism. It is not possible to distinguish here between 
the various strata of religious or philosophical thoughts, 
like polytheism, monotheism and monism. The Puranas 
presuppose and accept the existence of all such currents 
of thought. Why should we assume that conditions 
were quite different in Vedic '"times ? In post-Vedic 
times there is no such line of evolution as polytheism, 
monotheism and monism that can be drawn up on the 
map of history. Religion and ritualism on one srde, 
and rationalism and philosophy on the other side, 
existed together and represented different aspects of a 
single, unitary civilization. 

The texts of RamanujacaryaV writings are de- 
cidedly later than the texts of S'ankaracarya's writings. 



Xll 



But it cannot be said that the thoughts contained in 
the, writings of Raman uja are also later than the 
thoughts contained in the writings of S'ankara. S'an- 
karacarya refutes in his writings the very doctrines which 
Ramanujacarya re-asserted at a later time. Similarly, 
the texts of the Upanisads may be later than the texts 
of the Vedic Samhitas. From this it does not follow 
that the thoughts contained in the Upanisadic texts 
are also later than the thoughts contained in the Vedic 
Samhitas. The Rgvedic texts are mainly songs of 
inspired poets who could have a vision of some of the 
mysteries of the Universe. The Upanisadic texts 
represent in the main the record of the discussion of 
the sages about the same mystery of the Universe. It is 
certainly a fruitful attempt to take the Vedic Sam- 
hitas, expecially the Sarhhita of the Rgveda, as a text- 
group and also the Upanisads as another text-group, 
and then to see how far the discussions recorded in the 
Upanisads have a bearing on the thoughts contained 
in the Sarhhita texts. 

This is what has been attempted in the present 
work by Mr. Narahari. His efforts have been mainly 
in the direction of collecting facts to show that, in 
essence, there is no conflict or antithesis between the 
thoughts of the Rgvedic text and the thoughts of 
the Upanisadic text. In a book on " Atman in pre- 
Upanisadic Vedic literature," one has a right to 
expect an attempt at tracing the growth of the idea of 
the <l Atman " within the pre-Upanisadic Vedic litera- 
;ure, namely, the Rgveda. But the real scope of the 



Xlll 

title is fixed by the content of the work bearing that 
title. The whole investigation is based on the position 
that the very idea of an evolution of philosophical ideas 
within the Rgvedic literature is to be questioned. Does> 
the Rgveda represent various strata in the evolution of 
the religious or philosophical idea ? Or, does it represent 
the final stage in such an evolution, the actual evolution 
being in the pre-Rgvedic period ? The position that the- 
stages of the growth of the idea of an " Atman " must 
be traced within the Rgveda itself presupposes that 
certain elementary notions about the Atman existed or 
began to enter man's mind within the Rgvedic period, 
and that such ideas took definite shape during the 
Upanisadic period. The position that I took, when I 
advised the author to make this investigation, is that the 
Rgveda represents a very advanced stage in civilization 
and that, in the Upanisadic period, the attempt had 
been to correctly grasp the thoughts of the Rgvedic 
Rsis. The wonders of man when he was first introduced 
into this mysterious Universe, his awe at certain terrible 
phenomena of Nature like the storm and the darkness 
of night, his first notions of the possibilities of some 
imponderable force controlling the working of this Uni- 
verse, his efforts to appease and to propitiate such a 
force to escape from the terrors of Nature and even tc 
earn some benefits instead, his first thoughts or 
the mysteries of birth and death, his theories aboui 
some finer * aspect of life coming into the body frorr 
trees and other things in Nature at the time of birth 
and going back to them at the time of death, his f urthei 



XIV 

^ponderings over the possibilities of a world beyond to 
which this finer element in life might traverse after 
leaving the gross body at the time of death these and 
other stages in the first beginnings of philosophy 
through religion and theology, if such stages existed, must 
have been long past when the Rgvedic age dawned. 
The question how far the Aryans, who came into India, 
could have borrowed some of their ideas about the 
mysteries of man, his relation to a God and to the 
Universe, from the aboriginal tribes that peopled the 
land, or from other nations outside India like the 
Assyrians, is also not attempted in this book by the 
author, and I take the fullest responsibility for such omis- 
sions. I gave the direction to the author in investigating 
the problem on the assumption that all such questions 
should remain under suspense until the very foundation 
on which such questions have been raised are further 
investigated and established with sufficient strength. 
Was there an ethnic unit called the Aryans ? Did the 
Aryans come into India from outside ? Did they con- 
quer and even exterminate an aboriginal tribe that had 
previously settled down in India ? Does the Rgveda 
represent an age when such events were happening ? 
It is more, the analogy of the European colonization of 
other continents in recent times, than any scientific data, 
that lies at the root of all such theories of an Aryan 
invasion^of India and extermination or at least subjuga- 
tion of an aboriginal tribe that inhabited the courttry. 
So far as I a\n concerned, the Rgvedic literature 
pre-supposes .a long period of development of 



XV 



civilization in India and represents the final stage in such 
an evolution. To determine the stages of such evolution 
of philosophical ideas about " Atman " during periods 
far back in history prior to the Rgvedic period, there is 
no data in the Rgveda itself. Thus, it is not a legiti- 
mate part of a student investigating the problem of 
" Atman " in the Rgveda to consider the question of 
the origin of the notion of " Atman,'' unless he also 

V 

investigates the pre-Rgvedic phases of -the conception. 
From the Upanisads also, one does not get an impres- 
sion that the Upanisadic Rsis were concerned with a 
philosophy of a primitive nature when they were deal- 
ing with the philosophical problems in the Rgveda. On 
the other hand, the impression one gets is that they 
regarded the Rgvedic literature as representing a very 
advanced stage in philosophical development. They 
-could not have accepted the Rgvedic texts simply to 
placate the orthodox. The attempts of the Rsis 
of the Upanisadic period were not to please the 
orthodox people. For the acceptance of their views, 
they depended more upon the strength of their 
argument than on accord with approved views. 
The whole atmosphere of the Upanisads is that the 
Rsis, participating in the debates recorded in the 
Upanisads, looked upon the Rgveda as a literature of 
a very high order. In the face of this, we have no right 
to say that the Rgveda represents a primitive stage in 
philosophical evolution, and that philosophy really 
started only with the Upanisads. THe essence of right 
criticism is to understand a text by data supplied by 



XVI 

the text itself, but not to import extraneous notions 
into it. 

The same attitude is the right one in examining 
the philosophy of S'ankaracarya. One must understand 
the limitations of rationalism when one asserts that 
S'ankara's philosophy is absolutely rationalistic. If the 
statement suggests that Vedic authority has not any 
essential place in S'ankara's system, that would be to 
ignore the fundamental point of view of S'ankara. He 
definitely says that his system is based on both reason, 
and revelation. 

There are two stages in S'arikara's position. One 
is dvaitamithycltva, and the other is advaita. We 
experience the world of differences. A u difference " 
does not satisfy the tests of absolute reality, when 
examined in the light of pure reason. Thus, when 
" difference " is mithyn, there is nothing on which we 
can base the assumption of a reality as a substrate for 
the difference. The only conclusion possible is that 
there is only a void or a chain of momentary experi- 
ences. In this way, reason leads man only to the 
doctrine of the world being mithyU, and this position 
is what the Buddhists have accepted. For the assump- 
tion that, as a substrate on which this difference is built 
up, there is a positive reality, the only basis is the 
statement in the Vedas. Reason does not lead us to 
such a positive back-ground for differences. In consi- 
dering the meaning of the word atha in the first 
aphorism of the Vedanta, S'ankara definitely says that 
the study of the Vedas is a necessary preliminary for 



XVI 1 



inquiry into Brahman. To a man who has not studied 
the Vedas, the idea of an absolute, positive reality be- 
hind the differences in the universe is an impossibility. 
It is the Vedic statement of a positive reality that leads 
one to an inquiry into Brahman. Although unaided 
reason cannot think of such an absolute reality, still the 
Vedic statement does not militate against reason. This 
much alone is the function of reason in philosophical 
inquiry. The Veda has a definite place in S'ankara's philo- 
sophy. Thus, both in the Upanisads and in S'ankara's 
philosophy, one finds the same reverence to Rgvedic 
thoughts. Why should we say that neither the Rsis of 
the Upanisadic period nor S'ankara really cared for the 
Rgveda as a great philosophical text? For the omission 
of an inquiry into the evolution of the idea of " Atman " 
in the Rgveda in working up the subject as presented 
in this book, I am really responsible. The author has 
worked up the subject within the frame work I had 
suggested. Of the two lines of thought, namely, the 
tradition of the interpretation of the texts of the Vedas 
in India, and the tradition of the Vedas having been 
regarded as recording a high state of civilization, I have 
been able to work up the former myself through my 
publications of the several Vedic commentaries. For 
the other point the author has made a very definite 
contribution through this book. 

The Rgveda is not a philosophical work. Questions 
regarding the nature of Atman, the whence, how and 
whither of the Atman, the question df a Supreme Self, 

the relation of the external world, the Atmans and 
B 



XV111 



Is^vara mutually, these problems are not definitely dealt 
with in the text of the Rgveda. But do the texts of 
the Rgveda presuppose a back-ground of thought where 
these problems were considered ? Do the texts of the 
Rgveda give us any clue regarding the nature of the 
problems considered by the thinkers of the age and the 
solutions which they could have suggested at that time ? 
This really is the subject-matter of the present work. 
The general impression is that the philosophy found 
in the Upanisads must have been current even at the 
time when the Rgvedic poetry was composed. 

A permanent factor in man's life which can be 
designated the Atman, its continuity when the body 
perishes at the time of death, its experiences after 
death, some essential unity among these Atmans through 
some Supreme Being, the existence of some beings 
who are not conditioned by the limitations of a body 
and of worldly existence, their guidance in the life of 
pious men, these aspects of philosophy are quite 
plain in the texts of the Rgveda. But t'here is consider- 
able difficulty on one point, namely, the problem of 
Transmigration. There is no definite statement or 
hint about the Rgvedic Rsis being aware of such a pheno- 
menon in man's life in the whole field of the Rgvedic 
texts. The first definite statement about the theory of 
Transmigration we come across in the Upanisads. And 
the Upanisads are decidedly much later in point of 
time than the texts of the Rgveda. But I have always 
asserted that what we find , in the Upanisads is an 
attempt at understanding the philosophy of the Rgvedic 



XIX 

period, and not an attempt at evolving a new philo- 
sophy. Even now, more than a millenium after the 
time of S'ankaracarya, thinkers are trying to understand 
and interpret the philosophy of S'ankaracarya. Why ? 
Because his th6ughts have made such a great 
impression on the thoughts of man. Similarly the 
thoughts of the Rsis of the Rgvedic period made a great 
impression on the people of the time and even in sub- 
sequent ages, and these seers continued to be regarded 
as men with supernatural vision. Yaska speaks of them 
as snksntkrtadharmnnah. There are many stories of a 
person being recognised as a Rsi only when he could 
see a Devata. Certainly the tradition of such Rsis must 
have continued to impress the thoughts of the people 
of a later age, and, even in the Upanisadic period, we 
find thinkers engaging themselves in understanding 
and interpreting the thoughts of the Rgvedic Rsis, just 
as thinkers of the modern age try to understand and 
interpret S'ankaracarya. 

Looked at from this point of view, the position is 
that what is found enunciated in the Upanisads is only 
what existed in the philosophy of the Rgvedic period. 
The philosophical doctrines found definitely reflected 
in Rgvedic poetry only support- the view that, even 
in Rgvedic times, people knew of the phenomenon of 
Transmigration in man's life. It is this aspect of the 
relation between the thoughts of the Rgveda and the 
texts of the Upanisads that is attempted by the author 
in this book. It is true that, ta those students of 
Indian philosophy whose mental outlook is fashioned 



XX 



by the doctrine of evolution and who can think of only 
an evolution of philosophy from Rgvedic theology, 
through the philosophy of the Upanisads, to the real 
philosophy of S'ankaracarya, this book would seem to 
be a revolt against accepted views. But Max Miiller 
did not adopt the Indian tradition ; and why should a 
modern student deny to himself the right of not accept- 
ing the views propounded by Max Miiller on the basis 
of the theory of evolution, on the biblical notion of the 
world being only about five thousand years old, on the 
theory of an Aryan migration into India about four 
thousand years ago, and on the geological calculation of 
the world and man's life in it being only a few thousand 
years old ? 

The attempt in this book is to adduce arguments* 
to prove the authenticity of Indian tradition. It is 
neither narrow-minded orthodoxy nor crude nationalism 
that has prompted me to guide the author in these lines 
of investigation. Texts must be studied from within 
themselves ; they should not be made to subject them- 
selves to extraneous theories. A right to question is 
inherent in every student. These were the guiding 
principles on which the investigation of the problem 
has been undertaken. This is the justification for the 
absence of the orthodox view of an evolution of the 
philosophical tenets from the Rgveda to the Upanisads 
and within the Rgveda itself. Whether there is such, 
an evolution is a question that will be considered in 
connection with the investigation of another problem, 
namely, the doctrine of Karma and Reincarnation* 



XXI 

-in Hinduism. In this connection the question will be 

^considered whether the doctrine is purely Indian 

in origin or whether there has been borrowing from 

another nation, and also whether the doctrine arose in 

Hindu thought only at a later stage in the development 

of their religion or whether even the earliest phases of 

their religion, recorded in the Sarhhitas of the Vedas, 

.include that doctrine. 

The author has spared no pains to make his in- 
vestigation very thorough. He has been able to present 
an all-round picture of the nature of the Atman as 
could be studied from the Vedic Sarhhitas. During his 
research work, I found that he had a capacity to collect 
and examine details, a power to take a comprehensive 
view of facts, a full grasp of the fundamentals of the 
problem, and a commendable spirit of critical attitude 
and independence of judgment. The whole work is 
entirely his. I have only guided him with my own sug- 
gestions and opinions. It is true that he has consulted 
me at every stage of the investigation, arid that I have read 
through the entire book before it was brought together 
into its present form. But this does not take away 
even a mite of his right to call the work his own in- 
dependent production. He has understood every point, 
and is satisfied with everything that is presented in 
the book. I take full responsibility for the general plan 
of the book and for the main basic ideas underlying 
the investigation. This does not mean that I have 
imposed my views on him. It only "means that every- 
thing that is mentioned in this book has my full approval. 



XX11 



As mentioned in the Preface by the author himself, 
a considerable portion of the book appeared as articles 
in well-known Journals. At the final stage, they were 
revised and incorporated into this book. The author 
had the advantage of receiving opinions from many 
scholars about the articles which form the major portion 
of the work. I am glad to note that the opinions were 
uniformly favourable. The work is only the starting 
point for a new line of investigation, for a new approach 
to the problem of Indian philosophy. 

I am very happy to note that, at the time this book 
is being published, the author has been awarded a 
Fellowship in the Madras University. Such an award 
is a great honour to a young research worker, and a full 
recognition by the University of the valuable work he 
has done already. It is also a great encouragement 
for his future work. I consider it a privilege that he 
has prepared the book as a student, working under my 
guidance, and that he is releasing the book when he is 
working again under my guidance as a Research Fellow 
of the Madras University. I take this opportunity 
co congratulate the author on his exquisite work, and I 
wish him success in his future endeavours. 

University of Madras C. KUNHAN RAJA 

15th September 1944 Head of the Department of Sanskrit 



PREFATORY NOTE 

THE Thesis for which the University of Madras 
awarded me ^he Degree of Master of Letters (M.Litt.) 
in 1943 is now published in the form of a book, after 
obtaining the necessary permission from the University. 
No substantial changes have been effected in the course 
of printing, and the Thesis retains the original form in 
which it was presented, including the Preface. The 
title of the Thesis was Soul in Pre-Upanisadic Vedic 
Literature. The word " Soul " in this title is now re- 
placed in the present book by* the word " Atman," and 
the University has given me the required sanction to 
make this alteration. In the Thesis, Sanskrit passages 
were given in Roman transliteration. In the present 
book, however, Devanagari characters have been used, 
except in the case of individual words or of very 
short passages. It is no easy task to reproduce in 
print Avestan and accentuated Vedic words when 
transliterated in Roman. On account of war condi- 
tions, it was also impossible for the Press to secure 
special types. I am therefore constrained to make 
efforts to represent those words in as approximate 
a manner as I can. Still, I am sure that it will not 
be difficult to identify the words. 



XXIV 



I have to thank the University of Madras for 
having given me the necessary permission for the publi- 
cation of the Thesis. I fully realize the difficulties at 
present in undertaking the publication of a book, having 
regard to the scarcity of paper and the high cost of 
printing. My special thanks are therefore due to the 
Director of the Adyar Library for his kindness in having 
undertaken the publication of the Thesis in the Adyar 
Library Series: I have also to thank the editors of the 
different Oriental Journals who have permitted me the 
use of what first appeared as papers in their periodicals. 
The Vasanta Press deserves rny thanks for the very good 
printing of the book even in these difficult times. The 
book is of a very technical nature, requiring elaborate 
use of diacritical marks for the types and containing 
words and passages in other languages. In spite of 
this handicap and of the heavy work undertaken 
already, it has been possible for the Press to complete 
the printing of this book in a very short time. At the 
same time, the Press has been able to keep up its usual 
standards as regards the quality of printing. 

I have been working in the Adyar Library as 
Research Assistant now for five years, and the facilities 
which the Library provided me have been great factors 
in my studies. Now, at the time I am publishing my 
Thesis in the form of a book, I have been awarded a 
Research Fellowship by the University of Madras, and 
I shall not be on the Research staff of the Library. 
Yet, 1 have been permitted to continue my studies in 
the Library during the period of my Fellowship. There 



XXV 

is thus no break in my association with the Library. 
I take this opportunity to express my gratitude once 
more to the Director of the Adyar Library for all the 
amenities which the Library has provided me for my 
studies. 

It is a matter of deep gratification for me that the 
first book I was able to publish could be included in 
such a well-known Series as that of the Adyar Library. 
I once more thank all those concerned in enabling me 
to bring out my Thesis in the form of a book. 

Adyar Library, H. G. NARAHARI 

7-9-1944 



PREFACE* 

EVER since I began the study of the Vedas in my B.A. Hons. 
course in the Mysore University, there has been in me 
the desire to trace the back-ground of the thought contained 
in the Upanisads. When later I took up the Vedas as my 
special subject for the M.A. Degree Examination of the same 
University, this desire of mine was only enhanced. It was 
not till October 1939 when I became a Research Student in 
the Sanskrit Department of the Madras University under the 
direction of Prof. C. Kunhan Raja, M.A., D. Phil. (Oxon.), 
Head of the Department of Sanskrit in the University, that 
I could put into actual practice what remained till then a mere 
ambition of mine. The present Thesis embodies in the main 
the result of my investigations from this date till the end of 
October 1941. An attempt is made in these pages to collect 
and examine the Rgvedic ideas regarding the nature of the 
individual Soul, its relation to God, and its destination after 
the destruction of the body. 

Neither Indian tradition nor the opinion of modern 
scholars seems to be in favour of regarding the Sarhhitas as 
philosophical texts. The different systems of Indian Philo- 
sophy like the Vedanta seek their origin in the Upanisads 
rather than in the texts belonging to the earlier age. As 
regards modern scholars, the tendency * with the majority of 
* This is the Preface to the Thesis as it was submitted for the Degree. 



XXV1H 

them is to believe that real philosophy is unknown in India 
till the time of the Upanisads, and that the earlier age of the 
Samhitas and Brahmanas was one when the minds of people 
were attracted by religious piety rather than philosophic 
reflection. Times have now changed, and it is being in- 
creasingly filt that, even if the Samhitas are not philosophic 
treatises, there is nothing to prevent their containing philo- 
sophic material, that Upanisadic thought sprang up neither 
all of a sudden nor among a people different from those res- 
ponsible for the Vedic hymns, but is only a continuation of 
the unbroken tradition handed down for generations from the 
time of the Samhitas (or even earlier) down to that of the 
Upanisads. Yet the work that has been done in this field 
so far is scanty enough. Historians of the Philosophy of 
Ancient India allot but a few negligible paragraphs for the 
philosophic tendencies in the period of the hymns, and that 
too with a sort of reluctance, actuated more by the desire to 
be historical rather than philosophical in their outlook. More 
valuable in this connection are the contributions of Char- 
pentier, Oertel and Edgerton. Had Charpentier lived to 
complete his excellent monograph, Brahman, had Oertel 
entered into a more detailed investigation, or had Professor 
Edgerton carried out the scheme sponsored by him in 1916 
in the pages of the Journal of the American Oriental Society, 
I should perhaps have been considerably anticipated in several 
of my deductions. As it is, Charpentier's German Monograph 
stops with the etymology of Brahman, and before he could 
enter on his more ambitious programme in the third part of 
his work, Fate called him away from this world. In a valu- 
able article entitled " The Back-ground of the Pantheistic 
Monism of the Upanisads " contributed to the Oriental Studies 
in honour of C. E. Pavry, Oertel attempts " to analyse and 



XXIX 

group together all those currents of speculative thought which 
may be regarded as the fore-runners of that pantheistic monism 
which the Chandogya Upanisad sums up in the formula tat 
tvam asi and which still later finds its philosophical elabora- 
tion in the scholastics of the Vedanta." He enters into a 
fairly exhaustive discussion of the monistic tendencies in the 
Samhitas and Brahmanas, but does not aim also at tracing the 
back-ground of the numerous philosophic conceptions of the 
Upanisadic period. The importance of this has, however, 
been realized by Professor Edgerton as is evident from his 
attempt at the preparation of a card-index of the philosophic 
ideas and expressions in the Vedic Samhitas, Brahmanas and 
older Upanisads, an examination of which should show the 
close dependence of the Upanisads on the older Vedic philo- 
sophy. Only the scheme of this index is as yet available. 

The ambition of the present Thesis is humbler than that of 
Professor Edgerton's proposed scheme, and its scope narrower. 
All that is attempted here is only to show that almost all the 
ideas that go to make the thought of the Upanisads have a 
definite back-ground in the Samhitas, especially in the Rgveda. 
In Chapter I, an attempt is made to show that the Rgvedic 
seers definitely knew of the existence of the Individual Soul 
(Atmari) which, being the indestructible part of the individual, 
survives corporal destruction. In Chapter II, the relation of 
this Soul (Atmari) with Brahman, the Supreme Soul, is 
considered. The three succeeding Chapters concern them- 
selves with the destiny after death of the virtuous Soul ; 
Chapter III thus examines the Vedic conception of Immortal- 
ity ; in Chapter IV it is shown that the Vedic seers believed 
in a three-fold Heaven to which the virtuous Souls went in 
accordance with the degree of their merit ; and Chapter V 
endeavours to show how much knowledge of the Devaydna 



XXX 

and Pitrydna the Rgvedic seers already had, and how this 
knowledge compares with the account given of these two paths 
in the Upanisads. The next three Chapters are devoted to 
the relation between God and man in the Rgvedic period ; 
thus Chapter VI treats of the salient features of the religion of 
the Rgveda and the different ways by which these seers 
approached their gods, through fear, love, need or friendship ; 
Chapter VII attempts to classify the Vedic gods into those 
that receive offerings (havirbhajah) and those that receive 
praise (suktabhdjah). Chapter VIII is devoted to examine 
the several kinds of rewards which the Rgvedic seers sought 
to obtain from their gods by propitiating them. In Chapter 
IX, it is the endeavour to prove that Upanisadiclthought has 
its source only in the literature of the earlier period, that it is 
wrong to attribute absolute Ksatriya authorship to it, and that 
it is only a continuation of earlier speculations to which both 
Brahmins and Ksatriyas have contributed. Even in the 
Sarhhita, it is difficult to say whose interest predominates, 
whether it is of the Brahmin or of the Ksatriya. Most of the 
authors are evidently Brahmins. Vis'vamitra, one of the most 
important among the Rsis, was originally a Ksatriya, though 
he later became a Brahmin. There are also many other 
Ksatriya authors. Many passages in the Rgveda are devoted 
to the praise of the piety and benevolence of Ksatriyas, and 
these are composed by Brahmin authors. We cannot also 
ignore the fact that it is after all the Brahmins who have 
preserved the texts, and that too as an integral part of the 
entire Vedic lore. There is thus found only a harmony 
existing between Brahmins and Ksatriyas in the Rgveda 
Samhita ; and it is nothing but this same relation that we can 
find in the Upanisads also. In Chapter X attempt is made 
to show that, though the theory of Transmigration is found in 



XXXI 

its full-fledged form only in the Upanisads, yet it is impossible 
to deny that its traces are clearly found even in the Rgveda 
Samhita. The Vedic ideas regarding Sin and its penalty 
form the subject of Chapter XL Chapter XII is the con- 
clusion, where it is pointed out that, though we may not be 
justified in calling the Samhitas philosophic treatises, there is 
nothing to prevent them from containing philosophic material 
which should be the record of the philosophic ideas current 
during the age. These philosophic data are the clear precursors 
of all those ideas which go to make the thought of the 
Upanisads. There may be considerable difference in standard 
between the philosophy of the Upanisads and that prevailing 
in the earlier age ; but still the difference is one of degree 
not of kind. 

There is another point which brings to light the intimate 
relation that Upanisadic thought has with the thought con 
tained in the Samhitas. I have not introduced this point intc 
the main body of the Thesis ; but it is something whicl 
I consider worth notice. The nature of Brahman is enuncia 
ted in the later Vedanta works as constituting sat, cit anc 
ananda, and these works embody only the thought of th( 
Upanisads. We can thus say that the Upanisadic Brah 
man is sat-cit-dnanda. One can very well understand the 
presence of the first two constituents, sat and cit, as the 
subject and the object. When these two cover the entire 
Universe, there must be some special reason for introducing 
the third factor, ananda as a constituent of Brahman. It ha; 
been amply recognised that the most prominent element in th< 
religion of the Rgveda is man's happiness both in this work 
and in the other, earned, through the grace of the gods, bj 
leading a moral life. It should not thus be wrong to say tha 
ananda is the ultimate human goal according to the Rgvedk 



XXX11 

religion. It is worthy of note in this context that the word! 
ananda itself occurs twice in the Rgveda (IX. 113. 6, 11) in 
connection with the description of the happy world above 
coveted by the virtuous people. It is my belief that the 
presence of this element in the Upanisadic doctrine of Brahman 
must be a survival oi the Rgvedic goal. This and similar 
affinities in thought between the Upanisads and the Samhitas 
deserve closer study. Here I simply introduce the point. 

The entire Thesis, excepting Chapter VI and Chapter XII 
which is the conclusion, has already been published in the 
form of independent papers in the different Oriental Journals 
of standing in India. Thus Chapter I appears in the Review 
of Philosophy and Religion, Allahabad (Vol. XI, pp. 51 ff.) 
under the caption " Soul in the Rgveda." Chapter II appears 
under the title " The Meaning of Brahman and Atman in the 
Rgveda" in the Indian Culture, Calcutta (Vol. VIII, Parts 2 
and 3). Chapters III and VII appear in the Bharatiya Vidya, 
Bombay, under the captions " Apropos of the Conception of 
Immortality in the Veda " (Vol. IV, pp. 18 if.) and " Sukta- 
bhajah and Havirbhajah " (Vol. Ill, pp. 131 ff.). Chapter IV 
appears under the same title in the Silver Jubilee number of 
the Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute, 
Poona ; and Chapter V appears under the same caption in 
Vol. XXIV, pp. 45 if. of the same Journal. Chapter VIII 
will appear with the same title in the Radhakumud Mookerji 
Commemoration Volume which is being prepared by the 
U. P. Historical Society, Lucknow. Chapters IX and X have 
appeared in the Poona Orientalist under the titles " On the 
Origin of Upanisadic Thought " (Vol. VI, pp. 139 ff.) and 
" On the Origin of the Doctrine of Samsara " (Vol. IV, 
pp. 159 ff.) respectively. A portion of chapter XI appears 
under the caption " Designation of Hell in the Rgveda and 



XXX111 

the Meaning of the word Asat " in the Indian Historical 
Quarterly, Calcutta (Vol. XVIII, pp. 158 ff.). But, before 
these published papers were included as chapters of this 
Thesis, care has been taken to revise them thoroughly and to 
recast them wherever it was found necessary. As a result, 
some of these papers appear in the Thesis in an entirely 
new form. 

The Bibliography which is divided threefold into Sanskrit 
Texts, Works in Modern Languages, and Reference Books, 
Journals etc., gives the books and MSS. used by me in the 
preparation of this Thesis. 

There only remains for me the very pleasant task of 
expressing my indebtedness to my revered Professor, Dr. C. 
Kunhan Raja, under whose invaluable guidance this entire 
Thesis has been prepared. Ever since I came to know him, 
he has been a never failing source of inspiration to me in my 
studies. To him I owe what little knowledge I possess in the 
methods of modern scientific research. A busy scholar, 
always deeply immersed in his own investigations, he has 
never once found himself too busy to attend to me and solve 
my numerous difficulties. In this connection I must specially 
mention the many reference-books in German which no 
serious student of the Veda can afford to ignore and which, 
without his helpful explanations, would have remained in- 
accessible to me. In the actual preparation of the Thesis 
many a faltering step of mine has he steadied, ma^ny a false 
one corrected, and, but for the beacon-light of his experienced 
and benevolent guidance, I should really have lost my way in 
the deep and wide Ocean of Vedic Learning. If to-day I can 
claim to have landed safely, having brought my Thesis to its 
present successful conclusion, it is entirely due to the kind 
and sound guidance I have had at his hands. I cannot find 



XXXIV 

adequate words to express the fullness of gratitude I feel 
towards him for all the kindness he has shown me. If I stop 
now, it is not because I have exhausted all that I have to say, 
but because I feel dumb for want of words. I should perhaps 
conclude with the poet : 



H. G. NARAHARI 
Madras, 
14th August 1943. 



CONTENTS 

PAGE 

Dedication ....... v 

Foreword ....... vii 

Prefatory Note ...... xxiii 

Preface . . . . . . . xxvii 

Abbreviations ....... xliv 

CHAPTER I 

EXISTENCE OF ATMAN KNOWN TO THE RG- 

VEDIC SEERS 1 

Comparison of the idealogy of the Upanisadic age 
with that of the period anterior to it Words in the 
Rgveda which denote the human Soul Two monistic 
verses of the Rgveda Summary of the knowledge of 
the Rgvedic seers regarding the Soul. 

CHAPTER II 

ATMAN OR THE INDIVIDUAL SELF AS DIS- 
TINCT FROM BRAHMAN ... 17 
Dialogues in the Upanisads where Brahman is under- 
stood as the u First Principle " of the Universe 
Symbolism of Brahman Upanisadic views regarding 
the essence of Brahman Meaning of Atman in the 
Upaniads Promiscuous employment of the terms 
Brahman and Atman in the Upanisads Meaning of 
Brahman in the Rgveda as interpreted by ancient 
commentators Views of Bopp, Lassen, Pott, Grass- 
mann, Fick, Bergaigne, Delbruck, Deussen, Lanman, 



kxxvi 

PAGE 

Martin Haug, Osthoff, Oldenberg, Geldner, Hille- 
'brandt, Hertel, Scherer, Muir, Max Mtiller, Roth, 
Bohtlingk, Winternitz, Charpentier, Dumezil and 
Keith on the same subject Meaning of Atman in the 
Rgveda according to Sayana and Yaska Views of 
Deussen, Winternitz, Max Miiller, Roth, Bohtlingk 
and Grassmann regarding the same Summary of the 
views, ancient and modern, regarding the meanings of 
Brahman and Atman Undesirability of attaching 
undue importance to the mere etymology of the words 
Brahman and Atman Upanisadic conceptions of 
Brahman and Atman traceable in the Rgveda Sur- 
vival of Rgvedic ideas about Brahman in the Upani- 
sads Germs of the Upaniadic Brahman and Atman 
clearly found even in the Rgvedic period. 

CHAPTER III 

CONCEPTION OF IMMORTALITY IN THE VEDA, 

THE .50 

General views regarding the nature of belief in per- 
sonal immortality Maximum disclosures of the 
eschatological hymns in the Samhitas as regards the 
intimations of immortality in the Veda Names given 
by the Pgvedic seers to the immortal principle of 
man, and the extent of their knowledge regarding it 
References in the Rgveda to Souls of deceased an- 
cestors Varieties of these ancestors and the nature 
of their relation with their earthly descendants 
Cosmic powers of the fathers Destination and enjoy- 
ments after death of the ordinary virtuous Some 
problems connected with this destiny Higher reward 
of immortality and company of gods after death for 
mortals demonstrating* special merit Varieties of 



xxxvu 

PAGE 

these superior mortals, their individual nature, special 
merit and consequent reward {igvedic views regard- 
ing the nature of immortality Destination of im- 
mortals. 

CHAPTER IV 

VEDIC DOCTRINE OF THE WORLDS ABOVE, 

THE ...... 73 

Three-fold division of the Universe into Earth, Air or 
Atmosphere, and Heaven, and the various names of 
each of these regions The fourth sphere Three 
worlds marked distinctly from the usual three regions, 
and their different names Three-fold division of the 
heavenly region Enjoyments in the Heaven of Yama, 
the abode of the manes, which may be identified with 
the Lunar world of later times Close association of 
the manes with tire Moon, known by the name of 
Soma Varieties of manes The two lower varieties 
of these destined to go after death to the Lunar 
Heaven intimately connected with Yama Close rela- 
tion of the highest class of manes like the Rbhus with 
the Sun with whom immortality is specially connected 
Visnu's status in the Veda as the highest God 
His Heaven open only to those known for piety and 
devotion towards the gods. 

CHAPTER V 

DEVAYANA AND PITRYANA . . . r 88 

Chief text of the doctrine of Transmigration and its 
two natural parts Meaning of the words Devayana 
and Pitryatja in the Rgveda Estimate of the ^gvedic 
knowledge of the DevaySna in comparison with the 
knowledge of the Upanisadic seers Rgvedic words 
denoting " Path " or " Way " Upaniadic Devayana 



XXX VI 11 

PAGE 

and PitrySga greatly inspired by the IJgvedic con- 
ception of divinity or immortality and Heaven Two 
kinds of virtuous people, one going after death to the 
Heavens of Yama and the other to the abode of the 
Solar gods Rgvedic ideas regarding Devayana and 
Pitryaija quite close to the conception ot these two 
paths in the Upanisads Degree of contact between 
{igvedic thought and Upanisadic thought as regards 
the condition of Soul after death. 

CHAPTER VI 

THEISM OF THE RGVEDA . . . .108 

Importance of the study of Religion General obser- 
vations on the religion of the Veda Oldenfyerg's 
view Elements of Animism, Anthropomorphism, 
Naturalism, and Pantheism in the religion of the 
Veda Max Muller's view that the religion can be 
called Henotheism or Kathenotheism Objections of 
Sayce and Whitney against this view Hopkins on 
the positions of Max Mtiller and Whitney Review 
and criticism of the views above Relation between 
God and man in the Vedic period Indra, most pro- 
minent among Vedic Gods who protect Rudra and 
the Maruts worshipped out of fear Agni, a friendly 
god Varuna, judge of the morality of men Gods who 
continue connection with the seers even after their 
death. 

* CHAPTER VII 

SUKTABHAJAy AND HAVIRBHAJAtf . . 126 

Traditional method of classification of the Vedic gods 
into Terrestrial, Atmospheric and Celestial and its 
fairly satisfactory nature Method of grouping gods 
into sflktabhajah and havirbhajah, though inade- 



XXXIX 

PAGE 

quate in classifying the Vedic pantheon, useful in 
further subdivision of gods already classified ac- 
cording to the traditional method Classification of 
Terrestrial, Atmospheric and Celestial deities in ac- 
cordance with the nature of offering received by them 
Qualifications associated with a superior deity 
Contribution of these canons of judgment towards 
understanding differences in dignity between gods and 
manes, and among the gods themselves Devaganas 
mentioned in the Nirukta only groups of manes 
Dignity of this group of manes in comparison with 
Terrestrial gods and those Atmosopheric gods who 
receive only oblation Manes inferior in status to the 
Celestial deities Gradation among the manes 
Superiority of Yama over ordinary manes receiving 
only oblation Varuna higher than Yama in status 
Visiju, the supreme deity in the Vedic pantheon 
Equal dignity of Pusan and Surya with Visijiu 
Savitr and Varuna of equal status Relative dignity 
of the Lunar deities Indu, Soma, and Candramas of 
the atmospheric region as compared with the deities 
of other regions Association of Mrtyu with Soma 
Lunar deities destination after death for ordinary 
mortals, as Solar deities are for those of superior 
merit Tabular statement of the classification of gods 
in the Nirukta and the Brhaddevata Symbolism and 
mysticism in the poetry of the Rgveda Relation be- 
tween God and man in the Vedic period. 

CHAPTER VIII 

PRAYERS AND THEIR REWARDS IN THE VEDA. 143 
Relation between vocabulary and civilization Vedic 
synonyms of * riches or/ wealth ' Kinds of wealth 



xl 

PAGE 

sought from gods Names of gold and precious stones 
Dress and ornaments known to the seers 4v/, 
name of the sheep in the Veda Names of the * cow ', 
\horse/ and ' chariot ' weapons in use Synonyms 
of ' strength,' ' son/ and ' battle * Enemies of the 
seers, their different classifications and names Wild 
animals dreaded in the Vedic period Equivalents for 
' hunger/ * famishment/ and ' nakedness ' Synonyms 
of ' food/ ' drink/ * fields/ * rain/ * dwelling/ ' ser- 
vants/ ' road/ and * wife * Generic terms used to 
signify wants Synonyms of * distress or misfortune/ 
* felicity/ ' happiness/ and * protection ' meaning of 
Bhadra Malevolent gods in the Veda appeased for 
safety from their violence Medical skill of Vedic gods 
Diseases known to the Veda Friendly gods and 
, their obligations synonyms for * ignorance/ * know- 
ledge/ and * knower ' Interpretation of the general 
trend of Rgvedic thought and poetry Mysticism and 
symbolism in Rgvedic poetry. 

CHAPTER IX ' 

RGVEDA, THE SOURCE OF UPANISADIC PHILO- 
SOPHY ...... 159 

Etymology of the word Upani$ad Views of ancient 
Indian writers and of modern scholars like Max 
Miiller, Oldenberg, Deussen, Hopkins and Keith 
Traditional view that there is a continuity of thought 
from the Sathhitas down to the Upanisads and a unity 
of perspective between them Statement of the views 
of Garbe, Hertel, Deussen and Winternitz who be- 
lieve Ksatriyas to be the originators of Upanisadic 
thought and reply Brahmins as much the origina 
tors of Upanisadic thought as the Ksatriyas Conflict 
between Brahmins and Ksatriyas purely a figment 



xli 

PAGE 

of imagination Probable allegorical nature of the 
stories which connect Ksatriyas exclusively with the 
Upanisads Establishment of the view that Upani- 
sadic thought is a logical development of earlier Brah- 
manical speculations Ksatriya proficiency in Upani- 
sadic doctrine probably due to listening and wit- 
nessing philosophical debates where Brahmins took 
part Intellectual activity in Upanisadic times open 
to all, irrespective of caste or sex. 

CHAPTER X 

TRANSMIGRATION TRACED TO THE RGVEDA . 173 

Spirit of early Vedic thought compared with that of 
the Upanisads Views regarding the origin of the doc- 
trine of Transmigration Observations of Macdonell, 
Weber and Deussen locus classicus of the doctrine 
in the Upanisads and the evolution of the theory in 
Epics, in the Bhagavadglta, in the sacred texts of the 
Buddhists and Jains and in Popular Literature Opti- 
mism of the early Vedic religion Destiny of the 
righteous and wicked Views of the Rgveda and 
Atharvaveda regarding the destiny of the latter 
Genesis of the doctrine of Transmigration in early 
Vedic eschatology Analysis of the doctrine Rgvedic 
hymns betraying knowledge of the doctrine absence 
in early Vedic texts of connection between the theory 
of Karma and survival in other bodily forms Though 
the doctrine is found fully developed first only in the 
Upanisads, traces seen even in the early Aryan texts. 

CHAPTER XI 

SIN AND HELL AS UNDERSTOOD IN THE VEDA. 183 
Vedic theory regarding the nature and destiny of the 

virtuous Varieties of the wicked and penalties for 
D 



xlii 

PAGE 

their offences Condemnation of illiberality and com-, 
mendation of philanthropy Varuija, Aditi, Savitr, 
Usas, Dyavaprthivi, As'vins, and Agni as punishers 
and remitters of sin Meaning of rta Words denoting 
Sin and Inequity General nature of Sin Prayer for 
excuse of Sin Punishment for sin committed by 
parents Types of immoral conduct Stress on the im- 
portance of following ancestral tradition Punishment 
of sin Infliction of disease the favourite punishment 
of Varuna Possibility of expiation of Sin Frequent 
confession of Sin to and forgiveness sought from 
Varuna, ruler of the moral sphere Savitr, Indra, 
Surya, Adityas, Usas, Soma, As'vins, Agni and 
Dyavaprthivi as forgivers of Sin Other methods of 
expiation of Sin Sin, an external accretion, capable of 
being removed by adequate means, prayer or rituals 
Review of the views of Weber, Phillips, Mitchell and 
Keith on the Vedic conception of Sin Eschatological 
conceptions of the Vedic people Rgvedic words de- 
noting ' deep abyss ' or lowest darkness ' Exami- 
nation of Prof. Norman Brown's view that A sat 
is the name of the Vedic Hell Rgvedic knowledge 
of Hell as nothing more than an underground 
darkness Similarity of the view with the Avestan 
conception of Hell More elaborate description of Hell 
in the Atharvaveda Tabular list pf the Vedic names 
of ' Sin ' and ' Sinners.' 

CHAPTER XII 

CONCLUSION 228 

High appreciation of Upanisads after comparing them 
with Satfahitas and BrahmaQas result of a random 
study of the latter and an over-enthusiastic estimate 



xliii 

PAGE 

of the former Beliefs of the Pre-Upanisadic period 
not at all opposed to philosophic thinking Vedic 
seers aware of all the philosophic ideas forming basis 
of Upanisadic thought Philosophic hymns contain- 
ing the ideas only integral parts of the Samhitas 
Tradition about unity of thought in Vedic literature, 
comprising the Samhitas and BrShmanas, the latter 
including the Upanisads also, not a mere fiction 
which can be easily dismissed Philosophic tenden- 
cies of Samhitas though scattered, not to be dis- 
pensed with as * obscure gropings or half -formed 
myths' Libel as much applicable to Upanisads, if 
soberly judged Prof. Edgerton's view that the Upani- 
sads betray close dependence on the older Vedic 
philosophy Upanisads give no final answers to prob- 
lems raised by them Bloomfield's and Hume's 
estimate of the Upanisads equally applicable to the 
Samhitas also Whatever be the exact nature of 
Vedic religion or philosophy, no hesitation necessary 
in asserting existence of vigorous activity in the 
fields of religion and philosophy in the Pre-Upani- 
sadic age. 

Bibliography . . . . . . .237 

Index . . . , . . . .249 



ABBREVIATIONS 



AG. Ph. 
Bezz. Beitr. 



Br. Up. 
B. Z. I. K. 

Ch. Up. 

ERE. 

Et. Forsch. 

GN. 

HIL. 

Indogerm. Gramm. 

Ind. Bibl. 

I. St. 

J. A. O. S. 

J. B. B. R. A. S. 

J. O. R. M. 
J. R. A. S. 

Kath. Up. 
O. L. S. T. 

O. S. T. 
Pras'. Up. 
S. B. B. A. W. 
S. B. E. 
Taitt. Up. 
W. Z. K. M. 



Z. t>. M. G. 



Allgemeine Geschichte der Philosophic von 

Paul Deussen. 
Beitrage zur Kunde der Indogermanischen 

Sprachen, herausgegeben von A. Bezzen- 

berger. 

Brhadaranyaka Upanisad. 
Beitrage zur Indische Kulturgeschichte von 

R. Garbe. 

Chandogya Upanisad. 
Encyclopaedia of Religion and Ethics. 
Etymologische Forschungen. 
Nachrichten von der Koniglichen Gesselschaft 

der Wissenschaften zu Gottingen. 
History of Indian Literature by A. Weber. 
Indogermanische Grammatik. 
Indische Bibliographic. 
Indische Studien. 

Journal of the American Oriental Society. 
Journal of the Bombay Branch of the Royal 

Asiatic Society. 

Journal of Oriental Research, Madras. 
Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great 

Britain and Ireland. 
Katha Upanisad. 
Oriental and Linguistic Studies by W. , D. 

Whitney. 

Original Sanskrit Texts (5 Vols.) by J. Muir. 
Pras'na Upanisad. 

Sitzungsberichte der Berliner Akademie. 
Sacred Books of the East. 
Taittiriya Upanisad. 
Wieiler Zeitschrift fur die Kunde Des Morgen- 

landes. 
Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenlandischen 

Gesselschaft. 



CHAPTER I 

EXISTENCE OF ATMAN KNOWN 
TO THE RGVEDIC SEERS 

VERY frequently the view has been expressed that real philo- 
sophy in India starts with the Upanisadic period, and that the 
earlier age is marked by a gross personification of the forces 
of Nature, by the arid wastes of charms and incantations and 
by meaningless ritualism and ceremonialism." 1 As a great 

1 Garbe, Beitrdge zur mdischen Ktilturgeschichte, pp. 3 ff. , Hindu 
Monism, pp. 68 ff ; Deussen, Philosophy of the Upanishads, pp. 17 ff. ; 
System of the Vedanta, p. 18: Weber, History of Indian Litera- 
ture, p. 26; Max Miiller, Lectures on the Origin of Religion, pp. 346 ff. ; 
Theosophy (Gifford Lectures) p. 95 , Six Systems of Indian Philosophy, 
pp. 5 ff. ; Hertel, Indogermanische Forschtmgen, XLI. 188 , Macdonell, 
ERE., XII. 601 ff. ; India's Past, p. 46; History of Sanskrit Literature, I. 226 
ff. ; Keith, Religion and Philosophy of the Veda, pp. 441 ff. ; S. Radha- 
krishnan, Indian Philosophy, I 65 ff ; S. Das Gupta, History of Indian 
Philosophy, I. 33 ; R. D. Ranade, Constructive Survey of Upanishadic 
Philosophy, pp. 3 ff. ; R. D. Ranade and S. K. Belvalkar, History of Indian 
Philosophy, II. 77 ff. ; R. S. Deshmukh, Religion in Vedic Literature, 
p. 331. Jacobi seems to take the extreme view that the conception of im- 
mortality of the Soul was unknown to the early Aryans till the time of the 
later Upamsads (cited by R. D. Ranade and S. K. Belvalkar, op. cit., p. 430, 
as in his Licht des Ostens, pp. 142-166 ; Entwicklung der Gottesidee beider 
Indern) ; contrast H. Oertel who remarks : "An investigation of the literary 
remains antedating the Upanisads shows it to be the result of a slow but 
steady development, the final outcome of the combination and weaving to- 
gether of various strands whose origin may be traced back to the Vedic hymns 
and subsequent early Brahmanical speculations all tending in the same 
direction." (Oriental Studies in honour of C. E. Pavry, p. 360); Fora 
similar view, see also F. Edgerton, /.A.O.S., XXXVL 197 ff, ; XLIX. 100 ff. ; 
C. R. Lanman, Beginnings of Hindu Pantheism, p. 12 ; Oldenberg, 
Weltanschauung der Brahmanatexte, p. 8 ; E. W. Hopkins, India Old and 
New, p. 35 ; Bloomfield, Religion of the Veda, p. 215 ; Z. A. Ragozin, Vedic 
India, pp. 422 ff. ; R. E. Hume, Thirteen Principal Upanishads, p. 5 ff. ; 
B. M. Barua, Pre-Buddhistic Indian Philosophy, p. 7 ; L. D. Barnett, 
Brahma Knowledge, pp. 13 ff, ; M, Hiriyanna, Outlines of Indian Philo- 
sophy, p. 41. 



2 ITMAN 

collection of hymns invoking the personified forces of Nature, 
the Rgveda is considered to represent the earliest phase 
in the evolution of religious consciousness, so that to pass 
from it to the Upanisads is to pass ' from prayer to philo- 
sophy, from hymnology to reflection, from henotheistic 
polytheism to monotheistic mysticism.' The Atharvaveda is 
likewise characterized as a store-house of spells and incanta- 
tions, and when one passes from this Veda to the Upanisads, 
he passes from * the domain of incantations to the domain of 
Philosophy.' The Brdhmanas represent an age so thoroughly 
filled up with sacrifices and ceremonies that it seems almost 
impossible to reconcile them with the Upanisads which stand 
for knowledge rather than sacrifice. This difference in idealogy 
between the Upanisadic age and the period anterior to it has 
been felt so keenly by some that they have been constrained 
even to imagine that the thinkers in the two periods belonged 
to absolutely different communities ; * while all pre-Upanisadic 
thought is accepted to be only that of the Brahmins, 2 Upani- 
adic thought is considered to be the product of the specula- 
tion of only the Ksatriyas and other non-Brahmanical 
races. 3 

In the present Chapter, an attempt is made to examine 
this question to a certain extent, and to estimate the range of 

1 A sort sof reconciliation is attempted in this connection by some who 
divide the entire collection of hymns in the RV. into three groups, representing 
the views of three classes of men, the poet, the priest and the philosopher ; 
the first, looking at the world, recognizes the divine nature as the source of law, 
moral and physical and as the principle of physical life ; the second considers 
the world as the source of material prosperity, as itself the priest and the 
sacrifice ; the third, who sees the world, seeks truth as an abstraction, as the 
one behind the many and as the ultimate, the unknowable source of being 
(D. J. Stephen, Studies in Early Indian Thought, p. 6 ff.) ' 

a Even this view does not seem to be entirely unimpeachable when we 
take into consideration the fact that, among the seers of the Rgveda we /have 
Vis'v&mitra, Trasadasyu, Mandhatr and Pratardana who belong to the 
royal class, 

3 This view has been refuted fully in a later section, 



CHAPTER I 3 

knowledge the Rgvedic seers had regarding the nature of the 
human soul. 

There are many words in the Rgveda which denote some 
factor in man, different from and subtler than his gross body. 
Many of the words have undergone semantic changes in later 
times. It is not possible to fix the exact meanings of these 
words in the Rgveda. Most of them directly denote such an 
entity ; but there are some like Suparna, Ajo bhdga, and 
Satya which only imply it. 

The following words of the Rgveda viz., Brahman, 
Satya, At man and its shortened form Tman, Ajo bhaga, 
Jlva, Prdna, Manas, Suparna and Asu deserve considera- 
tion now. 

The word Brahman is usually derived from the root brh. 
There is, however, difference of opinion on this matter and 
also on its original meaning. But no such disagreement seems 
to exist regarding the meaning of the word in the Rgveda^ 
itself. This point is dealt with in full detail in a subsequent 
section. It is enough to note here that the word Brahman 
occurs over two hundred times in the Rgveda in various case- 
forms like Brahma, Brahmdnah, Brahmdnam, Brahma, Brah- 
manah, Brahmand, Brahmandm, Brahmani and Brahmane, 
and as part of compounds like Brahmakilbise, Brahmadvisah, 
Brahmakdrdli, Brahmakrtih, Brahmayujah, Subrahmanyam, 
Abrahmatd, Subrahmd, Abrahmd, Krtabrahmd, Abrahmdnah, 
Ohabrahmdnali, Subrahmdnam and Tnvibrahmanam. 

It is understood in various senses ; in the masculine it 
may mean the ' brahmin singer ', or * great ', or ' prayer/ or 
4 creator,' or ' Brhaspati,' or the * Brahma priest ' ; it is also 
used sometimes to denote any c sacrificial priest in general ', 
1 Angirases or Maruts ' : in the neuter, the word means 
* prayer ', or * food ', or * great act ', or * brahmin ', or ' cause 



4 ATMAN 

of the universe/ or ' body ', or ' great ', or * Rudra '. Several 
attempts have been made by modern scholars to derive the 
word etymologically, and Brahman then means also * the 
latent electric power stirred up by such apparatus as sacred 
vessels, hymns, etc.,' 1 or ' fire ' (internal in man and cosmic) ? 
or ' speech or word,' 3 

Besides, the very close association, in the RV., between 
Brahman and Brhaspati has played an important part in the 
evolution of the concept of Brahman* Even in the RV,, 
Brahman is already the repository of great power, and this 
fact must, without doubt, have exerted considerable influence 
in the conception of Brahman. 4 

The word Satya occurs fifty-one times in the RV., in 
the nominative case, and five times in the instrumental. As 
part of compounds like Satya-uktih, Satya-karman, Satya- 
girvahasam, Satya-tara, Satya-tata, Satya-dharma, Satya- 
dhvrtam, Satya-madva, Satya-mantrah, Satya-manma> Satyam- 
ugrasya, Satya-yajam, Satya-yonih, Satya-radhah, Satya- 
vacah, Satya-s'avasah, Satya-s>usmah, Satya-s'ravasi, Satya- 
s'rutah> Satya-satvan, Satya-savam, Satyanrte, Apramisatya, 
Anusatyam, Asatyah, Rtajatasatydh, Vakmarajasatyah, it 
occurs again over fifty times, It is once understood by Sayana 
to mean ' Brahman, the True '. The verse (RV. X. 85. 1) in 
question runs : 

1 Haug, Introduction to the Aitareya Brd,hmana t p. 5 n. ; cp. Schrader 
who feels that " the Latin Flamen, whose formation points with certainty to an 
originally neuter idea (priesthood), corresponds exactly to the Skr. Brahma 
so that for this word also there follows a similar evolution of meanings, ' in- 
cantation,' 'community of those who know incantations', 'individuals 
acquainted with incantations ' (priests)." (ERE., II. 42), 

2 Hertel, Das Brahman in Indogermanische Forschungen, XLI (1923). 
pp. 185 ff. 

3 Max Miiller, Gifford Lectures (1892), pp. 241 ff. ; Six Systems of 
Indian Philosophy, pp. 53 ff. 

4 A. B Keith, Religion and Philosophy of the Veda, II. 449. 



CHAPTER I 



The word * Satyena ' in the first quarter of this verse is 
interpreted by Sayana thus : Satyena brahmand anantdtmand, 
brahmd khalu devanym madhye satyabhutah. The word in 
itself does not mean anything * subtle.' 1 But the context 
suggests the recognition of some ' subtle force ' in the 
Universe. This* view appears to have been accepted by the 
Upanisadic Seers also when they speak of Brahman, the 
Supreme Principle, as being composed of ' Sat.' 2 

Atman is usually derived from the root an, ' to breathe '. 
and is thus philc?logically related to Prdna. The word occurs 
about thirty times in the RV. in its several case-forms, and 
as part of compounds like Atmaddh, Atmanvat, Atmanvatibhih, 
Atmd-iva, Atmanvantam, S'atdtmd, and S'akdtmdnam. It is 
understood in many senses like * essence ', or * body ', or 

* intelligent principle \ or * controller ', or * one-self ', or 

* breath ', or ' blissful ', or ' strength ', or ' multiplicity ', or 

* offspring ', or * years '. 3 

Tman which is apparently a shortened form in the RV. 
of the word Atman, occurs altogether seventy-eight times 4 in 
the RV. and is generally used partly as a reflexive pronoun 
and partly as an adverb. 

That the Rgvedic seers are quite aware of the ^\vo 
Upamsadic attributes of Brahman, Cit and Ananda follows 

1 Wilson, however, understands by this term ' the soma libations offered 
at sacrifices ' or ' the portion of the moon of which the gods are said to 
partake', and Griffith equates Satya with I}ta, the 'law and order of the 
Universe ( . The Nirukta always understands the terms in the sense of ' truth '. 

2 See, for instance, Br. Up., II. 3. 1. 

3 For details, see infra. 

4 Five times in the Nominative Case, once in the Objective, sixty-one 
times in the Instrumental, four times in the Dative, and twice in the Locative, 



6 ATMAN 

from the following two verses ; in RV. L 164. 4, where the 
seer exclaims * ko nu dtma, 9 the term Atma is understood as 
the * thinking or intelligent principle ' (pancabhutatmaka- 
s'anrasambaddhacetanah) which though connected with the 
gross and subtle form, is no where perceptible as a separate 
object ; and in RV. I. 73. 2d, the seer exhorts that Agni is 
to be cherished for, like Soul (Atma), he is the seat of 
happiness (dtmeva s'evo didhisdyyo* bhut). We have here the 
later Upanisadic idea that * blissfulness ' (niratis'aydnanda- 
svarupatva) is the nature of Atman (Soul). Similarly, the 
Upanisadic meaning of Atman that it is the ' essence ' of the 
body, that it is its ' controller ' is also known, for Atman in 
the former sense occurs at least in eight ^passages 1 of the 
RV., and occurs once (RV. VII. 87. 2.) in the latter sense 
(dharayita) ; in the latter verse, the seer, addressing Varuna, 
says Atma te vatah, and Sayana interprets the line saying that 
Vdta (wind), as directed by Varuna, is the controller (Atma) 
of all beings. 

Though the general usage of Tman, the abridgment of 
Atman, is as a reflexive pronoun or an adverb, it is once 
interpreted by Sayana to mean 'life' or * existence ' (Jlva). 
The context is given by the following verse (RV. I. 63. 8) : 

t 4 f 5=3 ^ f^ftynjrt 



where one of the gifts that Indra is asked to bestow on his 
worshippers is Tman which, according to Sayana, means Jlva 
(life or existence). It is possible to infer from this that 
Atman meant, even in the RV., * the own person, the own 
body, opposed to the outside world ', and the ' essence as 
opposed to what is not essence '. 
1 For details, see the next section. 



CHAPTER I 7 

The compound Ajo bhagah occurs but once in the RV M 
though its first member occurs eight times by itself and means 
either ' unborn ', or the * goat ' ; as part of the other compound 
Aja Ekapad which is- more frequent in the RV., Ajah always 
means * unborn '. The compound Ajo bhagah occurs in the 
following verse (RV. X. 16. 4) : 



The seer is here addressing Agni who is consuming the 
dead body on the funeral pyre, and the, most natural way of 
understanding the present verse would be to take that Agni is 
asked not to destroy completely the man's ' unborn part ' 
{Ajo bhaga), but just to kindle it so that, purified thereby, it 
may be in a fit state to enter into a higher existence. Griffith's 
translation of the phrase Ajo bhagah into ' thy portion is 
the goat ' seems to be quite unimaginative, and Sayana strikes 
the right note when he explains 1 the word thus : ajahjanana- 
rahitah s'arirendriyabhagavyatiriktah antarapurusalak?ano 
yo bhago' sti. ^Moreover, it is not possible to declare that Ajah 
means always the ' goat ' in the RV., for the context proves 
that, in at least six * out of its fourteen occurrences, the word 
means something else than ' goat '. In all its four occurrences 
in the Nirukta (XII. 29, 30, 32, and 33), Yaska interprets the 
word to mean * unborn ' (ajanaJi). It is, therefore, clear that 

1 SSyana is here supported by Grassmann who also translates the word 
Ajaty as ' ungeboren,' deriving it from the root ' jan ' (Worterbuch zum 
Rigveda, p. 19). Roth and Bohtlingk also agree that, in a number of passages 
of the RV. and in AV. X. 7. 31, the word Aja has the sense of ' unborn ' 
{St. Petersburg Lexicon, p. 66). Muir also translates Ajo bhagah as the 
' unborn part,' and, though he later hesitates the correctness of it, is convinced 
that ' in any case, the verses prove that any being proceeding from earth to 
heaven has to traverse a region of darkness before he can reach his destination. 1 
{Original Sanskrit Texts, V, 303 n.), 

2 RV. 1. 67, 3 ; II. 31. 6 ; III. 45. 2 ; VI. 50. 14 ; VIII. 41. 10 ; X. 16. 4. 



8 ATMAN 

Sayana's interpretation in this case is based on traditional 
authority. 

This is not all. Both the AV. and the S'atapatha Brah- 
maria seem to support Sayana's explanation. In AV. XVIII. 
2. 36, Agni is entreated to burn mildly and to spend his 
fury on the woods and on the earth, and in another place 
(IX. 5. 1), the same Veda says that, before the * unborn part ' 
can complete its course from earth to the third heaven, it has 
to traverse a vast gulf of darkness, and we may not be wrong 
if we should imagine that the purification sought at the hands 
of Agni might have been intended to make this dismal journey 
easier. According to the S'atapatha Brahmana (XI. 2. 1. 1), 
a man has three births : first from his father and mother, the 
second time through sacrifice, and* the third time when, after 
death and cremation, he once more emerges into life (trir ha 
vai puruso jayate, etan nu eva mains' ca adhi pitus' ca agre 
jayate, atha yam yajnah upanamati sa yad yajate, tad dvitl- 
yam jayate ; atha yatra mriyate yatrainam agndv abhyd- 
dadhati sa yat tatas sambhavati tat trtiy am jayate). The 
S'atapatha Brahmana which speaks here of a third birth of 
the individual after cremation, becomes valid only if we 
understand the Rgvedic verse mentioned above to be an 
address to Agni who is asked to temper the ' unborn part ', 
not to consume it, so that it gets a fresh birth. This 
idea is not new even to the Rgveda which, in another 
context, speaks of the individual who, at cremation, leaves 
behind on earth all that is evil and imperfect and pro- 
ceeds, by the paths trodden by his fathers (RV. X. 14. 7), 
to the realms of eternal light (RV. IX. 113. 7) ; the AV. 
(XL 1. 37) supplements this by saying that the spirit is, 
at this time, invested with a lustre like that of the gods. 
Would it be too much to understand that this lustre might 



CHAPTER I 9 

have been considered to have come to the Soul (Ajo bhaga) 
after it has been cleansed by the funeral fire ? 

Moreover, when the Rgvedic seers speak, at death, of a 
heaven for the virtuous and some punishment for the wicked, 
it is implied that they are sure that there is some part of the 
individual which survives cremation, and which later enjoys 
or suffers, for enjoyment or suffering is impossible without an 
enjoyer or a sufferer. It is quite likely that this part was 
designated the ' unborn part ' (Ajo bhaga) by them. We 
could, therefore, say that the Rgvedic seers were already 
convinced that death is not the end of man, and that it des- 
troys only his body, but not his real self which is neither born 
nor destroyed. It is this idea that forms the real core of the 
the Upanisadic idea of the human soul. 

Jiva occurs twenty-three times in all in the different cases 
and ten times as part of a compound. According to Sayana, 
the word is used twice (RV. I. 113. 16; 164. 30) to denote 
the * individual soul,' thirteen times 1 in the sense of * life/ 
sixteen times a in the sense of ' living being in general,' and 
twice (RV. X. 18. 4, 8) in the sense of ' children.' The 
following are the two passages 3 where Jiva is alleged to have 
been used in the sense of the ' individual soul ' : 



1 RV. V. 44, 5 ; 78. 9 ; 113. 8 ; X. 57. 5. etc. 

9 RV. I. 92. 9 ; IV. 51. 5 ; VII. 77. 1 ; VIII. 8. 23. etc. 

8 RV. I. 113. 16; I. 164. 30. 



10 1TMAN 

In the first verse, the seer is describing the glory of dawn 
when, as darkness begins to disappear gradually and streaks 
of light adorn the quarters, the whole of creation which, at 
night, had retired to rest, wakes up, inspired and enlivened 
by the touch of the early rays of the sun. When, therefore, 
the Seer says here Jlvo asur na agdt he only means that the 
sweetness of the rftorning has enlivened him into activity, and 
Jlva must hence mean the * active and animating principle ' 
of the individual in whose body it resides. This is nothing 
short of the Upanisadic idea that Atman is the inciter of the 
body into action, or to speak in the metaphorical language of 
the Kathopanisad (III. 3), Atman is the charioteer while the 
body is the chariot (atmanam rathinam viddhi srarlram 
ratham eva ca). 

The second-half of the second verse speaks of the im- 
mortal principle which continues to live by subsisting itself 
on the offering of manes, and Jlva in this line must mean the 
' life-giving principle ' of the human body. Explaining this 
verse, Griffith says l that the subject of the first hemistich is 
clearly Agni, while the Moon, sustained by sacrificial offerings 
to the Dead, appears to be the subject of the second. But 
Sayana seems to be more convincing when he attempts to 
show that the two hemistichs go to give one complete 
and connected idea ; according to him, the import of the 
entire verse is the essencelessness of the human body and 
the eternality of the animating principle which resides in it 
(anena dehasya asarata jlvasya nityatvaft ca pratipadyate) ; 
the first hemistich would then mean that this body which, 
when life was in it, was eager in discharging the various func- 
tions, now lies motionless since life is out ; the second 
hemistich explains what the 'life-giving or animating principle' 
1 Hymns of the Rigveda, I. 224 n. 



CHAPTER I 11 

<Jlva) does after discarding the body and leaving it in the 
state described before, by stating that it continues moving 
about subsisting on the manes which are continually offered 
to the Dead. It is, therefore, clear that the Rgvedic seers 
recognized Atman, not merely as the ' essence ' or ' controller-' 
of the body, but also as an eternal principle which continues 
to exist long after the destruction of the human body. 

Prana is also derived from the root an, ' to breathe/ and 
is hence related to Atman. It occurs eight times x in the RV. 
in the different cases and always means the * life-breath f of 
the individual (pranavdyu) which is necessary for the con- 
tinuation of existence. The Upanisads are ever fond of 
narrating numerous legends 2 to show the pre-eminence of 

* breath ' (prana) over the other senses of the body, and 

* breath ' happens to be one of the primary components of the 
Upanisadic Atman. The word occurs twice (VII. 22 ; X. 8) 
in the Nirukta, and here also Yaska understands by it the 
'vital breaths.' Prana as the life-giving principle, is thus 
recognized by the Rgvedic seers. The Upanisadic seers under 
stand Prana only in this sense when they often equate it with 
the individual Soul. 3 

Manas occurs over two hundred times in the RV. ; and as 
part of compounds like manojavesu, manojuva, manodhrtah, 
manoytijah, manovatah, manocit, sumanasyamanah, sumanah, 
nrmanali, vrsamanah, s'raddhamanah, gurtamandh, it occurs 
fifty-six times more. The general sense of the word is the 
4 Mind ', though, now and then, it is used in other senses also. 
The term is thus used five times 4 at least to denote ' intellect ' 

1 RV. 1. 66. 1 ; III. 53. 21 ; X. 59. 6 ; I. 101. 5 ; X. 121, 3 ; 90. 13 ; 189. 
2 ; I. 48. 10. It also occurs but once as part of the compound Apiprttni. 

2 Pras<nopanisad, II, 3 to 13 ; Bf. Up., VI. 1 ; and Ch. Up., V. 1. 

3 See, for instance, Br. Up., II. 1. 

4 RV, X. 71. 2 ; 121. 6 ; 177. 2 ; 181. 3 ; 183. 1, 2. 



12 ATM AN 

(prajna or buddhi). It is possible that the Upanisadic seers, 
who speak of Atman as being * knowledge ' (Cit) in essence, 
must have been inspired to do so by the attitude of the 
Rgvedio seers who often take Manas in the sense of buddhi 
or prajna. 

The word Suparna occurs in the different cases over 
thirty-five times in the RV. and is usually taken by Sayana to 
mean the * rays of the Sun.' ] He once (RV. IV. 43. 3), under- 
stands the word in the sense of * one having an attractive 
gait/ and once (RV. X. 114. 3) in the sense of ' the sacrificer 
and his wife, or the sacrificer and the Brahma priest.' In the 
following verse (RV. I. 164. 20), 2 Sayana, following tradition,* 
interprets it as an allegorical reference to the individual soul 
(Jlvdtmari) and the Supreme Soul (Paramdtmari) : 

g[T ^ jpff 9331 *rafan {WR ^ ^R 1 qpRifl | 

n 



The two birds spoken of here are the vital and the 
Supreme Spirit, dwelling in one body ; the vital spirit (Jlvatman) 
enjoys the fruit or rewards of actions, while the Supreme 
Spirit is merely a passive spectator (atra laukikapaksadvaya- 
drstdntena jwaparamatmanau stuyete). There is considerable 
difference of opinion among modern scholars regarding the 
exact meaning of the word Suparna. Wilson 4 accepts some 
probability in Sayana's explanation. Haug 5 takes the word 
to mean the metres (metro) or the sacrificial post (der baum 

1 RV. I. 79. 2; X. 73. 11 etc. 

2 This verse is bodily incorporated by the Mundaka Uj>aniad (III. 1. 1) 
and by the Svet&srvataropanisad (IV. 6). 

8 Yaska in his Nirukta (XIV. 29) interprets this verse in exactly the 
same way. 

4 Rigveda, II. 133-34 n. 

6 Cited by/Ludwig, Der Rigveda, V. 453. 



CHAPTER I 13 

des yupa), while Grasstnann l understands by it the Sun and 
the Moon (Sonne und Mond). Ludwig 2 considers Sayana's 
explanation far more probable than that of Haug or Grass- 
mann, but finds it difficult to give himself any definite 
meaning to this word which has to be interpreted differently 
in different contexts. The same is the case with Griffith. 3 
To Geldner, 4 the tree mentioned in this verse is the Tree of 
Knowledge, and its fruit, wisdom concerning the All-Father ; 
the two birds are the two enquirers ; one of them, to which 
class the poet also claims to belong, is capable of attaining his 
goal, while the other, who is non-speculative, is not successful 
(Der Baum ist das Wissen, dessen hochste Frucht die Erkennt- 
nis des Allvaters ist. Die beiden Vogel reprdsentiern die zwei 
Arten der W issbegierigen mit verschiedener Fassungsgabe. Nur 
den einen, zu denen sich der Dichter selbst rechnet, offenbart 
sich diese hochste Erkenntnis (21 cd), wahrend die anderen, 
die Nichtspekulativen, leer ausgehen). The introduction of the 
word Suparna in this context among words which mean the 
Atman rests, therefore, entirely on the authority of the tradi- 
tional commentators who seem to stand all alone in under- 
standing the word in that light. That the verse has a sym- 
bolical meaning is accepted by both these conflicting parties, 
but the difference between them lies only in the method of 
interpreting this symbolism. If the explanation of these com- 
mentators is to be accepted, we will have to admit that the 
Rgvedic seers were also aware of the fact that the individual 
soul reaps the benefit of its karma, while the Supreme Soul is 
under no such compulsion ; but since it is possible to credit 

1 Worterbuch zum Rigveda, p. 1539. 

2 Der Rigveda, loc. cit. 

3 Hymns of the Rigveda, I. 223 n, 

4 Der Rigveda, p, 208 ff., footnotes. 



14 ATMAN 

these seers with some such knowledge, on the ground that 
that thqy speak of Heaven for the virtuous and something like 
Hell for the vicious, it is not easy to discard their view. 

Asu occurs ten times in the Rgveda independently, and 
eight times as part of compounds like asutrpah, asutrpau, 
asunitim and asuriite. It is taken by Sayana in the senses of 
" life or life-breath ' (prand), ' controller of the body ' (vari- 
rasya prerayita), and 'subtle-body' (suksma-s'arira) . The 
meanings given by Grassmann 1 to the word are Leben (Life), 
Lebensfrische (prime of life), Lebenskraft (Vital Powers or 
Powers of Life), Geisterleben (Spirit of Life). The following 
verses of the Rgveda where this word occurs deserve notice, 
for these prove that the Rgvedic seers knew that the spirit is 
distinct from the body : 



514 



In the first verse, the seer speaks of the return of ' life ' 
(asu) at the approach of dawn, meaning thereby the revival 
of consciousness after sleep is over, and thus shows that he 
is aware that there is a spirit which exists in the individual 
as distinct from the body, whose existence is essential for 

1 Worterbuch zum Rigveda, p. 155a. 
8 RV. L 113. 16. 

3 RV. I. 164. 4, 

4 RV. X. 59, 7. 



CHAPTER I 15 

all activity and in whose absence the body can only be dor- 
mant ; in the second verse, the seer asks " who has ever seen 1 
the precise mode in which the boneless Soul, the very life- 
blood and informing spirit of the earth, comes to inhabit a 
bony tenement ; and if this is not known who is it that will 
repair to the wise man to ask about it ? When the seer speaks 
here of the boneless entering the bony body it is quite clear 
that he knows that in substance, at least, the spirit is some- 
thing which is entirely different from the body ; in the third, 
which is one of the verses used in recalling the life of 
Subandhu from unconsciousness or death, Earth is requested 
to restore the departed Soul (asu) while Soma is asked to 
return the body, thus making a clear distinction between the 
body and the Soul. 

Besides the ten words noticed in the foregoing pages, 
there are two verses (I. 164. 46 ; X. 129. 2) in the RV., which 
are worthy of consideration in this context. They are : 



flflst 3*n tergft 5* 



T*: f% ^ntf n 

- *- 

These two verses which claim that there is but one essence, 
one true thing, unmistakably herald monism ; it is but a step 
from such ideas to the Brahman in the Upanisads who is 
claimed to be the Pantheistic Absolute, without a second. 1 

The Rgvedic seers can thus be credited with the know- 
ledge of the following 2 : (1) that there is some " Spirit " or 
" Self " in man ; (2) that it is different from the body 

1 M. Bloomfield, Religion of the Veda, pp. 210 ff. 

2 cp. P. Deussen, ERE., II. 195. 



16 ATMAN 

and survives the destruction of it ; (3) that it is eternal, 
neither born nor liable to destruction ; (4) that it forms the 
* essence ' of the body and is its controller ; (5) that it is the 
experiencer of the reward of man's actions i.e., Heaven or 
punishment after death ; (6) that it is composed of the three 
qualities, Sat, Cit and Ananda. They seem to know also the 
fundamentals of Brahman, the Upanisadic Absolute as distinct 
from the individual self. The credit of combining and con- 
solidating all these conceptions and, to a good extent, develop- 
ing them must certainly belong to the Upanisadic seers, 1 
though, now and then, it seems possible to see, 2 even in the 
Upanisads, the survival of some early conceptions about 
Atman. 



1 cf . Paul Oltramare (ERE M XIL 305) who says that ' theosophical 
thought which is to be found in germ in the hymns and in the Brahmapas, 
obtains form and consistency in the Upanisads, ' 

2 Infra. 



CHAPTER II 

ATMAN OR THE INDIVIDUAL SELF AS 
DISTINCT FROM BRAHMAN 

IN the preceding section an attempt was made to show 
that the Rgvedic thirfkers were quite aw^re of the existence 
of the Self apart from the body, distinct from it, capable 
of surviving it and experiencing, after its destruction, the 
reward of actions on earth. Here it is proposed to consi- 
der the meaning of the term Atman as understood by these 
seers, and its relation to Brahman, and also to estimate 
how far it is preserved in the doctrines held by the 
Upanisadic seers. 

Brahman and Atman together form the pivot on which 
revolves the great wheel of Upanisadic thought ; the former 
term is the less definite of the two and is generally used in 
the vast majority of the Upanisads to designate the " First 
Principle " of the Universe. 

The Brhadaranyaka Upanisad contains three dialogues 
wherein this meaning of Brahman is clearly expressed ; the 
first dialogue (II. 1) narrates the story of the proud brahmir 
Balaki Gargya who approaches King Ajatas'atru offering tc 
explain to him the nature of Brahman. On the king con- 
senting to it and promising a reward of a thousand cows 
2 



18 ATMAN 

Gargya begins his exposition. Twelve times l in succession 
does he endeavour to define Brahman as the person in the 
Sun (Aditye purusali), in the Moon, in Lightning, in Ether, 
in Wind, in Fire, in Water, in the Mirror, in Space, and in 
the body, or as him whom here the sound follows as he departs 
(ya evdyam yccntam pa&cdc chabdo 'niideti) or the person of the 
form of shadow (chdydmayah purusah). Each one of these 
definitions is refuted by the King who points out the sub- 
ordinate position which each of these Purusas occupies in the 
whole of Nature. Gargya is silenced by these refutations and, 
unable to proceed further with the discussion, requests the 
King to teach him the subject. Using the illustration of the 
deep-sleeper and sermonizing over it, the King comes to the 
conclusion that He is Atman in whom the vital breathe 
(prdndh) lie dormant and from whom, on his waking they 
issue, along with the worlds,, the gods, and the living crea- 
tures. As the spider comes out with its thread, as small sparks 
spring forth from fire, so do all the senses, all the worlds, all 
gods and all living creatures come forth from that Self 
(yathornandbhis tantunoccared yathdgneh ksudrd vtsphu- 
lirigd vyuccaranti evamevdsmdd dtmanas sarve prdnds sarve 
lokds sarve devds sarvdni bhiltdni vyuccaranti}. 2 

The second dialogue 3 is between Vidagdha S'dkalya and 
Ydjnavalkya where the former, in a similar attempt to define 
Brahman as forming the climax of all that the word Atman 
denotes (sarvasydtmanah pardyanam), posits eight successive 
times the one-sided view that represents the Earth (Prthivi), 

1 In the slightly varied version of the story which occurs in the Kausitaki 
Upanisad (Chap. IV), Gargya attempts sixteen times to define Brahman, the 
additions being Echo (pr atis'ruti) , Sleep (svapna). Right Eye (daksinak^i) 
and the Left Eye (savyaksi) which are respectively identified as Life (asu)\ Lord 
of the Dead (Yama), Speech (vitk), and Truth (satya). 

* Brhadaranyaka Upanisad, L 1, 20. 

3 Ibid. t III. ix. 10 ff. 



CHAPTER II 19 

* \ 

Desire (Kama), Forms (Rupa), Ether (Akds'a), Darkness 
(Tamas), Forms (Rupdni), Life (Asu) and Seed (Retas) as its 
basis. Yajnavalkya corrects him each time by telling him 
that what he is propounding as firahman is only a subordinate 
person (Purusa) who rules in the bodily forms. The dialogue 
concludes with Yajnavalkya pointing out that whatever has 
been explained by S'akalya refers only to the eight abodes, 
the eight worlds, the eight gods and the eight persons, and 
that the person (Purusa) of the Upanisads is one who divides 
and then unites these persons, and who passes beyond them 
(etdny astdvdyatandny astau lokd astau devd astau purusds sa 
yas tan purusdn niruhya pratyuhydtyakrdmat tarn tv aupani- 
sadam purusam prcchdmi)^ S'akalya is asked to name this 
Purusa on pain of losing his head, and as he is unable to do 
so, the story goes, that he suffered the dreadful penalty for 
having had the impudence to pass off a subordinate Purusa as 
the highest Atman (sarvasydtmanah pardyanam). 

The debaters in the third dialogue 2 are King Janaka of 
Videha and the great Upanisadic seer Vdjnavalkya. The 
latter, it is recounted, once enters the court of the former 
who, seeing him, enquires about the object of his visit, 
whether he was in need of cattle or of (disputations) culmi- 
nating in subtle points (anvantdni). Yajnavalkya replies that 
he went to him for both and asks the King to tell him before- 
hand what others might havelold him (regarding the nature 
of the highest Brahman). Janaka informs him in reply that 
Brahman is Speech (Vdk) according to Jitvan S'aivalini, 
Breath (Prdna) according to Udarika S'aulbdyana, Sight 
(Caksus) according to Barku Vdrsna, Ear (S'rotra) according 
to Gardabhwipita Bhdradvdja, Mind (Manas) according tc 

1 /&*., III. ix. 26, 
* Ibid., IV. i. 



20 ATMAN 

Satyakdma Jabdla and the Heart (Hrdaya} according to 
Vidagdha S'dkalya. Yajnavalkya finds fault with all 
these definitions each of which, according to him, em- 
phasizes only one particular phase of Brahman ; to him, 
Vak, Prdna, Caksus, S'rotra, Manas and Hrdaya have each 
a body (dyatana) and a resting place (pratisthd) which needs 
specification. 

The Chdndogya Upanisad (V. 11) gives a similar story of 
five brahmins and Udddlaka Aruni whose view that the Atman 
is Heaven (Divah), Sun (Adityah), Wind (Vayuh), Space (Aka- 
s'ah), Water (Apak) and the Earth (Prthivl) is corrected by 
King As'vapati who points out that the Universal Soul (Vai&- 
vdnara Atman) is of the measure of the span (Prades'amdtram 
abhivimdnam) , having the lustrous (Heaven) for its head, the 
manifold (Sun) for its eye, the many-pathed (Wind) for its 
breath, the extended (Space) for its body, Riches (Water) for 
its bladder, the support (Earth) for its feet, the sacrificial 
altar (Vedi) for its abdomen, the sacrificial grass (Barhi) for its 
hair, the Gdrhapatya fire for its heart, the Anvdhdryapacana 
fire for its mind, and the Ahavanlya fire for its mouth (etc 
vai khalu yuyam prthagivemam dtmdnam vais'vdnaram vid- 
vdmso annam dttha, yastv etam evam prades'amdtram abhi- 
vimdnam dtmdnam vais'vdnaram updste sa sarvesu lokesu 
sarvesu bhutesu sarvesv dtmasv annam atti tasya ha vd etas- 
ydtmano vais f vdnarasya murdlTaiva sutejds' caksur vis'varupah 
prdnah prthagvartmd dtmd sandeho bahulo bastireva rayih 
prthivyeva pddau ura eva vedir lomdni barhir hrdayam gdrha- 
patyo mano* nvdhdryapacana dsyam qjiavamyah). 1 

Similarly, the S'vetds'vatara Upanisad (I. 1) opens with 
the question " What is the First Beginning, what is Brah- 
man ? " (kirn kdranam brahma kutah sma jdtah . . .) and 

1 Chandogya Upanisad, V 18. 



CHAPTER II AL 

the Pras'na Upanisad (I. 1) and the Arseya Upanisad l speak 
of wise men coming together in their quest for Brahman 
(par am brahma anvesamanah) . 

' The Upanisadic seers often indulge in symbolism and 
Brahman is then represented by them by some form which is 
cognisable through the senses. It is then understood as 
Naman, Vdk, Manas, Sarikalpa, Citta, Dhydna, Vijnana, 
Bala, Anna, Apah, Tejas, Akds'a, Smara, As' a, Prdna and 
Bhuman, 2 or as Aditya* or as the gastric fire, 4 or even as the 
syllable " Om 'V For all purposes of worship, these are as 
good as Brahman, and are related to it as the images are to 
the deities they represent. 

Regarding the essence of Brahman, it is said that it is 
neither Sat not A sat 7 , that it is composed of consciousness 
(Cit)? and Bliss (Ananda)? It is also usual to describe 
Brahman as of unknowable essence, 10 as of a negative character, 
as causeless, 11 and as devoid of spacial ls and temporal 13 
limitations. 



I Adyar Library MS., IX. B. 184, fol 46ft. ; The text of this Upanisad 
was reproduced with a translation by S. K. Belvalkar in the Report of the 
Third Oriental Conference, Madras, 1924, pp 31 ff. The subject-matter of 
the Upanisad is a conversation between the sages Vis'vamitra, Jamadagni t 
Bharadvaja, Gautama and Vastsfha regarding the true nature of Brahman. 

* See, for instance, Ch. Up., Chap. VII ; Mundaka Upanisad, I. 1. 9. 

3 Ch. Up., III. 19. 

4 Ibid.. III. 13. 8 ; Br. Up. t VI. 9. 

6 Ch. Up., I. 1 ; Pras'. Up., V (1-7) ; Mund. Up., II. 3 ff; Taitt. Up., 
I. 8 etc. 

6 Sankara on Chandogya Upanisad., VI. 2. 1. 

7 Ch. Up., III. 19. 1 ; Taitt. Up., II. 7 ; Br. Up., II. 3. 1. 

8 For instance, Br. Up., IV. 3 ff. 

9 See especially, Taitt. Up., II. 2. 

10 Ch. Up., VIII. 1. 5 etc. 

II Especially, Br. Up., IV. 4. 20. 

12 Br. Up., III. 8. 7; IV. 2. 4 etc. 

13 See especially, Br, Up., IV. 4. 16 ff. 



22 ATMAN 

By the term Atman what is usually understood in the 
Upanisads is the individual Self of man, stripped of all that is 
in him which is Non-self, which is' temporary, which is perish- 
able, which came from without, and which is subject to the 
limitations of Time and Place. 1 

Inasmuch as both the terms Brahman and Atman denote 
the " First Principle " in the Universe, a promiscuous em- 
ployment of them is sometimes made in the Upanisads. Thus 
the Chdndogya Upanisad (V. 11) says that five great house- 
holders, deeply learned in sacred lore (S'rotriyali) met together 
and formulated the question " Who is the Atman ? What is 
Brahman (ko nu atma, kirn brahmeti)." "We find here that in 
a common text the two terms stand side by side almost in a 
synonymous relation. 3 

The term Brahman occurs in the Rgveda both in mascu- 
line and neuter ; in the former gender it occurs twenty-four 
times and in the latter ninety-one times. 

The masculine form of Brahman [Brahma (accent on the 
second syllable)] is not found in Mandalas III and VI of the 
Rgveda ; it occurs once each in Mandalas V and VII, twice in 
Mandala II, three times each in Mandalas I, IV, IX, and five 
times each in Mandalas VIII and X. Twelve times 3 the word 
is used in the sense of the ' brahmin singer* (brahmanah stota), 
four times 4 in the sense of the ' great or mighty ' (pari- 
vrdhah), once 5 in the sense of the ' Creator ' (prajapatih), once 6 

l Ch. Up., IV. 15; V. 16; V. 10. 3; V. 10. 8 ; Br. Up. t IV. 4. 5 etc ; 
Kafh. Up. t I. 1. 20 etc. 

1 Cf. Deussen, Philosophy of the Upanishads, p. 86. . , 

3 RV. I. 80. 1 ; IV. 50. 8 ; V. 40. 8 ; VIII. 7. 20 ; 33. 19 ; 64. 7 ; 92. 30 ; 
IX. 112. 1 ; 113. 6 ; X. 85. 34, 35 ; 117. 7. 

4 RV. I. 158. 6 ; IV. 58. 2 ; VII 7. 5 ; VIII. 16. 7. 
5 RV. I. 164. 35. 

*RV. II. 1. 3. 



CHAPTER II 23 

as a name of Brhaspati, five times l in the sense of the Brahma 
priest, and once 2 in the sense of ' prayer '. 

The form [Brahmanah (accent on the second syllable)] 
occurs nine times ; once (I. 10. 1) in the sense of the ' sacrificial 
priests ', once (V. 31. 4) in the sense of ' Ahgirases or Maruts', 
twice (V, 29. 3 ; 32. 12) in the sense of the * mighty ' (brhantah), 
and five times 3 in the sense of the * brahmin singers ' (brdhmd- 
ndh stotdrah). The word [Brahmdnd'iva (accent on the second 
syllable)] which also occurs only once (II. 39. 1) is taken by 
Sayana to mean ' brahmins '. 

The masculine form of Brahman in the objective case 
[Brahmdnam (accent on the second syllable)] occurs five times ; 
twice (VI. 45. 7 ; X. 77. 1) it is taken by Sayana to mean 
the ' great or mighty ' ; twice (X. 125. 5 ; X. 141. 3) in the 
sertBe of the ' creator ' (prajdpatih or srastd), and once 
(X. 107. 6) in the sense of ' brahmin '. 

The ^occurrence of the word Brahman in the neuter is far 
more abundant ; its nominative singular form Brahma (accent 
on the first syllable)] occurs ninety-one times ; fifty-seven times 4 
it is used, according to Sayana, in the sense of * prayer ' (stotra 
or s'astra), twenty-two times 5 in the sense of * food, sacrificial 
or ordinary ' (anna or havis), once (X. 114. 8) in the sense ol 
the * cause of the Universe ' (jagatkdranam vastu), six times < 
in the sense of a 'great act' (parivrdham karma), twice 
(VIII. 35. 16 ; 37. 1) in the sense of * brahmin ', once 
{IX. 67. 23) in the sense of the * body ' (putrddivardhanakdn 

1 RV. H. 1. 2 ; IV. 9. 4 ; IX, 96. 6 ; X, 52. 2 ; 71. 11. 

8 RV. VIII. 31. 1. 

8 RV. VII. 42. 1 ; VIII. 17. 3 ; 96. 5 ; X. 85. 3, 16. 

4 RV. I. 62. 13 ; 75. 2 ; II. 20. 5 ; 34. 7 ; III. 41. 3 ; IV. 6. 11 ; V. 29. 15 , 
VI. 17. 3 ; X. 61. 1 and so on. 

5 RV. I. 10. 4 ; II. 41. 18 ; III. 8. 2 ; IV. 22. 1 ; VI. 16. 36 ; VII. 31. 11 ; 
'VIII. 3. 9; X. 4. 7 etc. 

6 RV. I. 105. 15 ; 129, 4 ; 152. 5, 7 ; VIII. 69. 9 ; IX. 86. 41. 



24 ATMAN 



once (IX. 71. 1) in the sense of the ' great ' (brhat)^ 
and once (X. 61. 7) in the sense of * Rudra '. 

In the possessive case, the word occurs thirty-seven 
times ; thirty-three times ! it occurs as part of the compound 
Brahmanaspatih, once (III. 29. 15) in the sense of the ' generator 
of the Universe ' (sarvasyajagatas srastuh), once (VIII. 97. 3), 
in the sense of ' food ' (annasya), once (VI. 52. 3) in the 
sense of * prayer ' (mantrasya karmanah) and once (IX. 97. 43) 
to mean * great ' (parimdhasya). 

Similarly, the form Brahmanah (accent on the 
second syllable) occurs two times, Brahmanah (without 
accent) fifteen times, Brahmand (accent on the first syllable) 
thirty-one times, Brahmanam (accent on the first syllable) 
two times, Brahmanam (accent on the first syllable) once, 
Brahmani (accent on the first syllable) and BrahmTtni 
(accent on the second syllable) once each, Brahmane (accent 
on the first syllable) nine times, and Brahmane (accent on 
the second syllable) two times. Besides these independent 
occurrences noticed above, the word Brahman occurs many 
times as part of compounds like Brahmakilbise, Brahma- 
dvisah, Brahma-kdrdh, Subrahmanyam, Abrahmatd, Subrahmd 
Abrahmd, Abrahmdnah, Ohabrahmdnak, Subrahmdnam, Tuvi- 
brahmanam and Brahmayujd. In all these places, the word 
is used in one or the other of the senses mentioned above. 

Some forms of the word Brahman occur in the Nirukta 
also ; the masculine form in the nominative singular occurs 
once (I. 8) and fs taken by Yaska to mean a ' priest ' ; the neuter 
form in the same case and number occurs twice, and is used 
once (II. 11) to mean a ' brahmin ' and the other time (VI. 22) 
to mean ' prayer ' ; the nominative plural of the masculine form 

1 RV. I. 18. 4 ; II. 23. 19 ; V. 46. 3 ; VI. 75. 17 ; VII. 44. 1 ; VIII. 27. 1 ; 
X. 53. 9 etc. 



CHAPTER II 25 

occurs twice (V. 5 ; XI. 4) and in both the contexts it is taken 
by Yaska to mean " brahmin " and the neuter form in the same 
case and number occurs but once (XII. 34) in the Nirukta and 
is understood as ' prayers ' (karmdni) ; in the vocative singu- 
lar, the masculine form occurs twice (II. 4 ; V. 14) and Yaska 
takes it to mean * O ! brahmin '. 

So much for the meaning of Brahman in the Rgveda as 
interpreted by ancient commentators. We will now take up 
for consideration the meanings given to the word by modern 
scholars. It was the view of Bopp l that the etymology of 
this word is doubtful, and Lassen 2 supported him by point- 
ing out that the suggested derivation of Brahman from the 
root brh is not acceptable seeing that brh can, in its gunated 
form, become only Barhman not Brahman. The general 
tendency with other scholars is, however, to take brh, ' to 
swell ', or ' to grow ', as the original root. Pott 3 thus held 
that Brahman is derived from the root brh, and that, though it 
originally signified the god, it later came to mean worshipper 
also. This view found acceptance at the hands of Grass- 
mann, 4 Pick, 5 Bergaigne/' Delbruck, 7 Deussen, 8 and Lanman. y 

Martin Haug 10 derives Brahman from the root brh 
(originally barh) which, according to Sanskrit grammar 

1 Sundfluth, p. xix (1829;, cited by J. Charpentier, Brahman, p 3. 

2 Ind. BibL, III. 48 (1830), cited by Charpentier, loc. cit. 

3 Et. Forsch., I. 250 ; III. 944 ff. ; Charpentier, Ibid. 

4 Worterbuch zum Rtgveda, p. 916 ; Charpentier, op. cit., p. 4. 
* Vgl. Wb., I. 380 ; I. 263, cited by Charpentier, loc. cit. 

6 La Religion Vtdique, II. 273 ff. 

7 Vedachrestomathie, 93, cited by Charpentier, op. cit. 

8 System des Vedanta, pp. 51, 127 ft. ; Allgemeine Geschichte der 
Philosophic, I. 1. 241. 

e Sanskrit Reader, p. 202. 

10 Introduction to the Aitareya Brahmana, p. 4 n. ; Brahman und die 
Brahmanen (cited by F. Max Mill ler, Theosophy (Gifford Lectures, 1892), 
pp. 240 ff . 



26 ITMAN 

means * to grow ', ' to swell ', so that the original meaning 
of the word is ' that which grows or swells ' ; and a proof 
of thjs is seen by him in the corresponding Avestan word 
bare&ma which means a bundle of twigs used by the Parsi 
priests when performing the Izeshan sacrifices. He next 
assigns to Brahman the more abstract meaning of growth and 
welfare, and what causes them both, viz., sacred songs. 
Lastly, he understands by Brahman ' the productive power 
in nature, which manifests itself in the growth of plants, 
and all other creatures '. " When by a well-known gramma- 
tical process this neuter Brahman (nom. Brahma) is changed 
into the masculine Brahman (nom. Brahma), it comes to mean 
* a man conversant with Brahman, a member of the priestly 
class ' ; secondly, a priest charged with the special duty of 
superintending the sacrifice, but likewise the personal creator, 
the. universal force conceived as a personal god, the same as 
Prajapati, and in later times one of the Trimurti, Brahman, 
Visnu and S'iva." l 

Osthoff * connects Brahman with the old Irish word 
bricht which means 'magic, magic formula', and finds 
following in Oldenberg 3 and Hillebrandt 4 . Oldenberg also 
maintains 5 that in most passages of the Rgveda Brahman 
means simply * priest ', that the Brahman priest known 
to this Veda was the Brahmandcchamsin. The Purohita, 
who was essentially not a member of the ordinary body of 

V 

1 Max Miiller, Ibid. 

* Bezz. Belter. , XXIV (1899), 113 ff., cited by Winternitz, History of 
Indian Literature, I. 247. 

3 Winternitz, Ibid., as in hisLehre der Upamshaden, pp, 44 ff. 

4 ERE., II. 796 ff. 

* Religion des Veda, pp. 396, 397 ; Macdonell and Keith, Vedic Index 
of Names and Subjects, II. 78. ; cf. Weber, Indische Studien, X. 376, 377. 
To Oldenberg' s ' Zauberfluidum ' theory, F. Preisigke (Vow gdttlichen 
Fluidum nach agyptischer Anschauung, 1920) finds a parallel in Egypt. 



CHAPTER II 27 

sacrificing priests (rtvij), was, when he officiated at the 
sacrifice, more usually the Hotr priest, and only later became 
the Brahman. This change took place when the importance 
of the hymns declined, and more weight was laid on the 
functions of the priest who superintended the sacrifice as a 
whole, and by his magic repaired the flaws in the sacrifice. 1 
An almost identical view is held by Geldner 2 also who sees the 
sense of * priest ' in a large number of passages of the 
Rgveda, and who holds that the sense of * superintending 
priest ' is older- and is clear in passages like RV. I. 158. 6 ; 
IV. 9. 4 ; 50. 7, 8 ; VII. 7. 5 ; 33. 11 ; X. 141. 3. 

Hillebrandt { follows Haug also in understanding Brahman 
as the latent electric power stirred up by such apparatus as the 
sacred vessels, or hymns, or chants, at the time of the per- 
formance of a ceremony. The senses of Brahman are deve- 
loped by him thus : the bundle of plants used as a spell to 
secure growth or fertility ; the magic power which permeates 
the sacrifice ; the several kinds of magic, such as formula, 
recitation, or song ; and creative power in general, which 
develops into Brahman as creative. 

Hertel 4 connects Brahman with the etymologically corres- 
ponding words in Greek and Latin, and attempts to prove 
that the original meaning of the words was * fire ', both the 
internal fire in man and the cosmic fire. 

1 cf. Pischel, Gottingische Gelehrte Anzeigen (1894), p. 420; Hillebrandt 
Ritual-litteratur, p. 13 ; Bloomfield, Hymns of the Atharvaveda, Ixviii ; 
Atharvaveda, p. 32. 

2 Vedische Studicn, II. 145 et seq. ; III. 155 ; Der Rigveda in Auswahl, 
I. 122 ff. ; Charpentier, op. cit., pp. 5 ff. 

3 ERE., II. 797 if. ; Festgabe Jacobi, pp. 265 ff. At one time it was his 
view that Brahman was das magische Fluidum ritueller Zauberkraft 
[Vedische Mythologie (1910), p. 61]; Keith, J ha Commemoration Volume, 
p. 203. 

4 Das Brahman in IndogermanischeForschungen. XLI (1923), pp. 185 ff r 
Winternitz, loc. cit. 



28 ATMAN 

The word has to be understood in the light of the Greek 
4>\eyfjia, which in the Iliad (XXL 337) appears to mean 
" flame " and is held to be connected with Latin flamma and 
fulgeo. " We are invited to believe that Brahman denotes 
primarily and properly the cosmic fire which exists beyond 
the stone heaven and which is revealed by breaks in that 
barrier as the sun, moon, constellations, and so on. This 
cosmic fire is present also in the microcosm, man, as the 
Atman, and thus the oldest form of religion reached presents 
us implicitly with the identification of which the Upanisads 
make so much, that of Brahman and Atman. The doctrine is 
also Indo-Iranian for the Avesta has the same doctrine of the 
cosmic fire. It is not claimed that the sense " fire " is living 
in the Rgveda in its simplest meaning. The sense there is 
'that fire which incorporates wisdom and appears in the cosmic 
Brahman as the power of thought, which is located in the 
heart, the seat of thought in the view of Indo-Europeans." l 
As Keith * points out there is a good deal of difficulty in accept- 
ing this etymology proposed for Brahman. In the first place, 
the fact cannot be ignored that the comparison of the terms is 

far from cogent. That the, Indian h should correspond to 

t 

Greek 7 is most unusual. It seems to be for the same reason 
that Johansson ' dismissed the comparison as the fancy of a 
dilettante who was not master of the principles of linguistic 
science *. 3 Though Hirt 4 considers the suggestion worth 
notice, it is clear anyhow that it has no probative power. Nor 
does it seem to be possible to adduce any other evidence to 

1 A. B. Keith in his article New Theories as to Brahman in ihejha 
Commemoration Volume (Poona, 1937), pp. 199 if. 

* Ibid., pp. 200-202. 

3 Cited by J. Charpentier, Brahman (1932), p, 13 n. 

4 Indogerm. Gramm., I. 248. 



CHAPTER II 29 



justify the validity of the proposed connection with 
When the use of Brahman in the Rgveda and later is con- 
sidered, it is absolutely clear that " fire " cannot have been 
the root idea of the term. The same consideration applies to 
other terms like yaksa, the Avestan cithra, the Indian dhena, 
Avestan daena, the Indian vasu and the Avestan vohu in which 
it is not easy to see the sense of light or fire. It is also diffi- 
cult to agree with the view that the root pu is connected with 
Greek vrvp u fire ", or his view that the roots dhl and dl have 
but one meaning " shine ". 

Scherer * seems to be another adherent of the same school 
when he feels that in Brahman is contained the common name 
tor poet and priest in the most ancient period ; Skt. [Brahman 
(accent on the second syllable)] ^Lat. fldmen *-- Old Norse 
brag-r, Brag-i (the god of poetry and eloquence) 3 ; with the 
Old Norse brag-na in bragnar is compared the Greek 
ftp ar Y"X~> ftpax ' 1 * '* the earlier common priest-name was 
preserved only in the guardians of the oracle at Didyma, the 
descendants of /3pay/co$, the (3pay/ciSai. 

According to Muir, 4 Brahman, in the neuter is generally 
used in the sense of prayer or hymn, while the masculine 
form of the word denotes the person who composes or re- 
peats a' hymn or prayer. This original meaning of the 
masculine form later changes, according to Muir, when the 
ceremonial became more complex and a division of sacred 
functions took place, and the word came to be employed more 

1 Anz. f. d. Alt,, Vol. IV (1878), p. 100, cited by Adolf Kaegi, Der Rig- 
veda (Trans, by Arrowsmith) , p. 122. 

2 Leo Meyer, Verglcich. Gramm., II. 275 ff. 

3 Grimm, Mythology (3rd Edn.), p. 215. 

4 Original Sanskrit Texts, I. 241 ff, This is accepted by Whitney (OLST.) 
I. 68. 1), Weber, HIL., 11 ; 1ST., IX. 351 f.) and Kae,gi (Rigveda, p. 4, 99 n.) 



30 ATMAN 

generally at first for a minister of public worship and later to 
signify one particular kind of priest with special duties. 1 

To Deussen, * the word Brahman means, in the whole of 
the Rgveda, nothing more than the ' lifting and spiritualizing 
power of prayer '. 

Max Miiller feels that though the idea of creative force or 
propelling power might well have been expressed by Brahman, 
the neuter word, taken to mean ' hymn or prayer ' should have 
had originally the more general meaning of ' speech or word \ 3 

The St. Petersburg Lexicon of Roth and Bohtlingk 
(V. 135 ff,) giyes six meanings of the word Brahman which 
is derived here also from the root barh ; the first meaning 
given here runs : Die als Drang und Fiille des Gemiiths 
auftretende und den Gottern zustrebende Andacht which 
paraphrased means " the devotion which appears as the crav- 
ing and fulness of the Soul, and striving towards the- gods ; '* 
the second meaning is ' a sacred or magic formula ' (Heiliger 
Spruch) ; then ' sacred words ' (Heiliges Wort), as opposed to 
words used for ordinary purposes ; then * sacred^wisdom ' 
(Heilige Weisheit) and ' holy life ' (Heiliges Leberi), and 
lastly, the absolute or impersonal god (Der hochste Gegen- 
stand der Theosophie, der unpersonlich gedachte Gott, das 
Absolutum). 

In the opinion of Winternitz 4 these explanations are 
diametrically opposed to the Indian conception of the rela- 
tionship between gocfs a$cf menThowever much theymay corres- 
pond to Jewish-Christian ideas of divinity. Any attempt at 

1 Muir, op. cit., p. 243. 

8 System of Vedanta, p. 49. 

3 Gifford Lectures (1892), pp. 241 ff, j Six Systems of Indian Philosophy 
pp. 53 ff. 

*Op. oit. t pp. 248 ff. 



CHAPTER II 31 

etymological derivation of the word Brahman is, to him, futile*. 
His own view is that, among the numerous occurrences of the 
word in the Veda, ' there is no where any thought of devotion 
or exaltation to the divine ' ; it always means mere formulae 
and verses containing secret magic power, by which man 
desires to influence divine beings, or to obtain, or even to 
force something from them. Later, when divine origin was 
ascribed to the Veda, when the sacrifice itself was conceived 
as a superhuman, nay super-divine power, this Brahman or 
sacred knowledge came to be called the first created thing 
(brahma prathamajam), and finally even made the creative 
principle, the cause of all existence (brahma svayambhu). 
Brahman as the divine principle is thus a conception of the 
priestly philosophy, and is quite explicable in the light of the 
brahmanical views upon prayer and sacrifice. 

Two more views have been recently advanced, inspired 
by the suggestion brought forward by Haug and, to a good 
extent, supporting it, the one by Charpentier and the other 
by M. Dum6zil. Taking up a position quite analogous 
to that taken up by Hillebrandt, Charpentier 1 maintains 
that Brahman is identical with Avestan bares'man, and 
that originally it meant nothing more than the bundle of 
grass used by the priests in the ritual. It is suggested 
that there was an Indo- Iranian bharzh-man and bharzh-is 
which are Represented in Avestan by bares'man and 
barezis, while the Vedic gives us Brahman for Barhman 
and barhis. Keith finds it difficult to find much that is cogent 
in this conjecture. The suggestion that the words Brahman 
and bares'man are identic, though not impossibly, is not 
probable ; there is far more likelihood of Brahman and barhis 
not being* connected at all, but going back to different 
1 Brahman t pp, 61 ff, ; Keith, Jha Commemoration Volume, p. 202. 



32 ATMAN 

roots. It is not on etymological possibilities that attempt 
can be made to validate the proposed identity of Brahman and 
bares'man. The evidence required here is ' that the supposed 
sense of Brahman explains satisfactorily its later uses, and that 
the explanation is more probable than others current V 

It would be worth our while following the line of argu- 
ment with which Charpentier 2 supports his theory. The 
meaning of the word Brahman is developed in a two-fold way ; 
one of these is to follow Oldenberg and attempt at settling 
the original meaning, that is, at the point where the word 
appears as meaning simply a song (Lied), hymn (Hymnus) 
or sacred text (heiliger Text) ; the other is to carry the 
development to the cosmogonic Brahman, that is, the mystic, 
All- Immanent Primordial Being (des mystischen alldurchdrin- 
genden Urwesens). Though this* development remains dark 
and uncertain, there is no doubt that this Primordial Being, 
this Cosmic Power can have developed only from the most 
original meaning of the word. Further, Brahman has adopted 
the meaning of Brahminhood, and here is to be seen an 
entirely secondary kind of development. 

Now, coming to the original meaning of Brahman, we are 
to believe with Charpentier that, in the Indo-Iranian period, 
priests in India and Iran performed magic rites (Zauberriteri) 
with the help of rods or wands (Ruteri), bundles of plants 
(Pflanzenbundelri), and grass (Opferstreu) . These were the 
Brahman rites, and their performers were the Brahmans. It 
should be assumed that these special rites have always been 
accompanied by definite conjurations (Beschworungeri) and 
magical incantations (Zauberspruche) which are composed in 

1 Keith, Ibid. 

* Op. cit. pp. 124 ff. The following is only an epitome* in English of 
Charpentier 's own summary of his position given at the end of his German 
work. 



CHAPTER II 33 

metrical form. When sacrifices rose into importance, minor 
independent rites lost their importance, several of them forming 
often a big complex sacrifice of which the Brahman priest be- 
came the chief officer. As the ceremonial developed thus, the 
connection between the idea of Brahman and the grass etc., 
relaxed ; and from its original connotation of plants, wands, and 
bundle of grass to be strewn, from its further meaning, through 
contraction or some kind of inexplicable association of the 
magic rites with plants (kultischen Pflanzen-zauberriteri), came 
to mean customary magic rites (ausgeubte Zauberriten). This 
is the meaning met with quite often even in the Rgveda. 

In the pre-Vedic cults, sacrifice (Opfer) and performances 
of magic (Zauber-handlungeri) formed the chief things, while 
the sacrificial songs belonging to it had been quite undeve- 
loped and constituted mainly of conjurations (Beschworungen) 
and simple invocations to gods (einfachen Gotteraurufungeri). 
But when the ritual was generally developed, the songs in 
sacrifice (Opferliederri) which were composed artistically and 
which were always current within families of musicians, came 
to gain prominence. There is ample proof for this assumption 
in the Rgveda where naturally there is contained the kernel of 
old sacrificial and magic songs which are always interwoven 
with the newly developed artistic poetry. It is also note- 
worthy that a large number of hymns which originally had 
nothing to do with the performances of sacrifices, have^been 
made use of in later rituals. Thus it is that the sacrificial 
(opfer) and magic song (Zauberlied) came to attain a value 
equal to the rite of which originally it was only an accom- 
paniment, and rite, and song or incantation, was designated 
by the same name'CRtftts und Lied oder Spruch mit demselben 
Namen zu bezeichnen) \ In this way, the word Brahman 

1 Charpentier, op. cit. t pp. 126 ff. 
3 



34 ATMAN 

which originally meant * magic (-rite) ' [Zauber (ritus)'] 
changed so thoroughly so as to mean also ' magic incantation' 
(Zauberspruch) and * magic song * (Zauberlied), because of the 
association of the Vedic sacrifices with magic rites. The songs 
belonging to these sacrifices have also to be designated 
4 magic songs ' or * magic incantations ' (Zauberlieder oder 
Zauberspriiche). In any case, they were not prayers (Gebete). 
When the poets openly, invoked the gods for the sake 
of material ends, they certainly knew the strength these 
gods had and which they could wield at will. This 
strength (Macht) becomes firmly associated with magical 
rites and magical songs. Griswold ! and Oldenberg * are 
right in saying that in many places the word Brahman can 
designate only hymns or old texts, for the simple reason 
that it is not possible to find any real difference between 
sacred text (heiliger Text) and magic song or incantation 
(Zauberlied,-spruch) in the Veda, Oldenberg infers on the 
strength of RV. VI. 38. 3 and 4, that Brahman appears in 
the Veda most often along with words uktha, ucatha, vacas, 
arka, stoma, gir, manman and mantra. So far this is correct ; 
but to compare, on this account, with BrahMan all these words 
which not even once have the same significance would entirely 
be wrong. It is impossible to think that in such a rich langu- 
age like the Veda, full of refinement and artistic equipment, 
synonymous words could be used together without any purpose 
at all. If today we are not able to see any difference in 
meaning between these words, they cannot have been of equal 
value to the Rgvedic poets also ; much less could they be 

identical semantically. By such usages we are to understand 

\ 

1 Brahman : a Study in the History of Indian Philosophy (New 
York, 1900). 

2 GN. (1916), pp, 715 if. 



CHAPTER II 35 

only a particular kind of writing poetry. Properly speaking, 
Brahman can be understood in all these places by magic 
incantation (Zauber spruch) or magic song (Zauberlied). More- 
over, there are a large number of places * where only one 
meaning can be correct, that is, magic song (Zauberlied) or 
conjuration (Beschworung) , From these considerations, there 
should be no doubt that the meaning of Brahman has deve- 
loped successsively from * plant- magic ' (Pflanzenzauber) to 
4 magic ' (Zauber) in general, and from this stage to ' magical 
song ' (Zauberlied) or ' formula ' (Spruch). 

The development of the cosmogonic 3 Brahman is not, 
however, so easily understood, though Oldenberg and other 
scholars treat this subject rather lightly. Haug and Hille- 
brandt may possibly be right when they develop a cosmogonic 
All-Being from the meaning " The driving force of the entire 
nature " (Triebkraft der ganzen Natur) ; but this explanation 
appears a little abstract and strained. A word whose real 
meaning is ' magic ' (Zauber) or magic-performance (Zauber- 
handlung), can denote also a ' magical being' (Zauberwesen) 
besides a * magician ' (Zauberer). This is undoubtedly the 
case with the Old Indian Ydtu whose original meaning of 
apparition, sorcery (Spuk, Hexerei) is even today so clear in 
RV. V. 12. 2 and VIII. 60. 20, while in many places in the 
AV. (VII. 21, 5 ; 104. 21 etc.,) it means * a class of magical 
demons' (Klass von zauberischen Ddmoneri), met with in many 
forms. The Avestan Yatu signifies ' magic, sorcery ' (Zauber, 
Hexerei), although Bartholomae 3 gives the word only the 
meaning Zauberer (magician). Then it is quite correct that 
under ' magicians ' (Zauberer), a supernatural magical being 

1 RV. I. 24. 11 ; 162. 17 ; VII. 83. 4 ; VIII. 89. 3 etc. 

2 Charpentier, op. cit., pp. 133 if. 

3 Altiranische Worterbuch, p. 1283 f , 



36 ATMAN 

(iibernaturliches Zauberweseri) is also understood, i nis can 
be proved through the common association of the Yatu and 
the Pairika, because the Pairikas remind us of the Indian 
Apsaras since the word also means * sorceress or witch *" 
(Zauberin, Hexe), really only a supernatural being. In 
Yatu there is an Indo-Iranian word with the double mean- 
ing of magic (Zauber) and magical being (Zauberweseri). 
More or less the same relation is found in the Old raksas. 
The St. Petersburg Lexicon takes the word to mean * harm ' 
(Beschddigung) , but this meaning is too abstract. It will 
be more correct to understand it to mean Zauber (magic 
or sorcery). In many places in the RV. and AV. the word 
denotes 'nocturnal fiend' (nachtlicher Unhold), especially ' a 
harmful being which defiles and obstructs sacrifice ' (Zauber- 
wesen . . . das die Opferbefault und zerstort). The Avestan 
ra&ah can simply mean * harming or harm ' (Schadigung^ 
Schaden), because this kind of harming is associated with people 
having foes. So one must at least think of that kind of harm- 
ing which arises from ill-will. Under these circumstances, it 
seems possible to assume that besides Brahman meaning magic 
(Zauber), there could have existed also a Brahman meaning 
magical being (Zauberweseri), although the line of such a 
meaning is completely lost. Many Vedic passages can be 
adduced, but of them all RV. X. 61. 7 appears directly 4:o 
signify a ' magical meaning '. The story dealt with here is 
well known. The gods wanted to punish Prajapati for his 
illicit love for his daughter, and for this purpose created Rudra, 
a terrible god, who is a conglomeration of all dreadful forms. 
It is possible to think that it is this wonderful being that is 
meant when the poet mentions Brahman in this verse. The 
passage in the Kenopanisad (III. 1 ff.) where the cosmogonic 
Brahman himself appeared before the gods in a form which. 



CHAPTER II 37 

they could not recognize, may also be adduced in this context. 
The word Yaksa here means something like ' magical being ' 
(Zauberweseri), and is completely identical with the word 
Brahman appearing in this meaning in RV. X. 61. 7. It is not 
impossible that Brahman (=r Zauberweseri) got confused in 
course of time with the cosmogonic Brahman. It is not easy 
to trace the definite phases of thfe development, but it can be 
assumed that at a very early time this meaning of Zauberwesen 
got identified with certain primitive cosmogonic divinites, and 
above all with the so-called Prajapati, and that, in this way, 
the impersonal cosmogonic Brahman as also the Brahman 
considered as the personal creator of the world came into 
existence. 

In the Yajurveda and in the Brahmanas 9 Brahman is 
identified with krs'dnu, the skin of the black antelope, to 
which there have been ascribed all kinds of wonderful peculi- 
arities. It is used by ascetics and brahmacarins, and during 
diksa it is considered to possess the high magical power of 
driviiig away demons. Generally the dark antelope is very 
closely associated with brahminhood, so that the real brahmin 
shall live only in those places where this kind of animal is 
obtained. So far there is nothing particularly noteworthy if 
the skin of the antelope full of magical powers is identified 
with the mystical cosmogonic Brahman. This kind of identi- 
fication becomes comprehensible if this Brahman is really a 
Zauberwesen. It is of special interest in this context to find 
in the Taittirlya Samhita (II. 1. 7) l that Brahman is 
identified with the brown sacrificial cow. In this connection 
it is not possible to ignore the introductory words of the well- 
known narration in the Taittirlya Brahmana (II. 3. 8. 1). 
The original course of this myth has perhaps somehow 
1 This passage occurs also in MS., II. 5. 7 ; Kafh. t XIII, 8, 



38 ATMAN 

or other gone over to the cosmogonic Brahman which any 
way comes near to the just identification of it with the 
black skin and the brown colour mentioned just now. There 
are also passages where Brahman appears by the side of 
ksatra and other words signifying possession of armour, and 
it is possible to think that here also Brahman signifies Zauber- 
kraft (magic power), Brahmanenkraft (brahman power), and 
in this way has come to mean brahminhood (essentia 
brahmanica) . 

Keith points out 1 that though the theory operates with 
real meanings found in the Rgveda and is as such far more 
defensible than those of Haug or Hertel, it is difficult to 
accept it because tHere is no proof that the term Brahman 
originally denoted the Opferstreu. It is merely a matter of 
conjecture, and it is quite open to accept another explanation 
of the way in which Brahman develops its meaning. Unless 
there is anything in the Rgveda to indicate that the sense 
Opferstreu clung to Brahman, the probability that this was the 
real sense is very slight. The passages adduced in this regard 
are far from supporting the idea that at one time Brahman r 
veda and barhis meant very much the same thing. In RV. 
II. 18. 7., mama brahmendra yahy accha, the suggestion that 
Brahman might be the same as barhis is sufficiently disproved 
by the next line purutrd hi vihavyo babhuta. Clearly Brahman 
denotes the prayer of the singer, which is to bring to his 
offering Indra as against the claims of other devotees. In 
RV. VII. 28. 1, we have again the invitation to come to our 
Brahman^ followed by the quite decisive words vis've eld dhi 
tva vihavanta martah, showing that what is meant is prayer, 
not grass. Similarly, it can be proved that in other passages 
like RV. III. 8. 2; VII. 35. 7 ; I. 10. 4 ; 47. 2 ; 24. 11; 
1 Keith, Jha Commemoration Volume, pp. 204-206. 



CHAPTER II 39 

VIII. 62. 4; V. 40. 6; VII. 18. 4 ; 33. 3 ; 111,53.12,13, 
Brahman means only prayer, not necessarily any kind of spelL 
It is quite possible that even in the Vedic age there were as 
now, two types of mind, those who believed that the divine 
could be affected by elaborate ritual of magic type, and those 
who upheld the power of supplication, not to compel but to 
persuade the divine grace. 

Concerning Charpentier's theory regarding the develop- 
ment of the cosmic sense, Keith l finds it hard to accept that 
there is a transition in the use of Brahman occasionally as 
Zauberwesen, on the ground that the evidence for such a use 
is minimal and far from cogent. In RV. X. 61. 7 wherein 
is described the incest of Prajapati, all that we are told is 
that the gods applied the holy power that is within them, and 
so created Vastospati ; whether Rudra is here thought of or 
not, matters little. Similarly, the supposition that in Tait- 
tirlya Samhita (V. 4. 4. 4), wherein the krsnaj ina is called 
the symbol (rupa) of the Brahman, there is a reference to a 
Zauberwesen is groundless. Plainly understood, the sentence 
means that the black antelope skin is a characteristic of the 
brahman class, the incorporation of the holy power. Also 
the term brahmacarin need not denote one who practises 
abstinence or celibacy, but only ' one who practises holiness 
one who busies himself about the holy power, or who walks in 
the path of holiness '. 

x Still more revolutionary than the theory propounded by 
Charpentier, is the view held by M. Dum6zil who devotes a 
study, Fldmen- Brahman 2 , where he maintains a theory which 
not only resembles that of the former but also goes a long way 
to vindicate it. 

1 op. cit., pp. 207 ff. 

2 Annales du Mus6e Guimet, LI (1935). 



40 ATMAN 

It is Dum&ziPs contention that, from a common root 
bhelgh, it is possible to derive Brahman, barhis, barha, ' tail 
of a peacock/ upabarhana, ' mattress ', Latin fldmen, and 
in Greek fyapp&Kos, applied to a scape-goat, <f)dp/jLatcov, 
* remedy/ The religious, magic meaning which the word 
has need not be considered at present, but for the possibility 
of its comparison with fldmen, there is the sanction of such 
a great authority as Kretschmer. 1 It can be objected that, 
if flag-ma gives flamma, then flag-men would not be re- 
presented by fid-men ; but since it is seen that the Vergilian 
MSS. give the form flam-men, this objection is not serious. 
If it should be said that the comparison with <f>appaic6s and 
<f>dp/j,atcov is untenable as a matter of strict comparison, 
since the Ionian poets have a in ^ap/i-a/cok, and the Attic 
short a may be due to the analogy of the neuter, it has to be 
pointed out that there are in Indo-European unaccountable 
divergences in words which must be ultimately the same as 
in the word for ' liver ', Sanskrit pllha, Greek <T7r\?jv, Latin 
lien, Irish selg, Lithuanian bluznis, and so on. Keith 3 finds 
it difficult to accept the argument, for though identity of 
origin is possible for words in cases where there is essentially 
sameness of meaning, this is impossible where there is no 
such immediate sameness of meaning and divergence of form. 

Dum^zil's effort to establish this sameness, resting on 
a reconstruction of religious beliefs, is equally faulty. " Faci- 
nated by Sir J. Frazer's evidence in the Golden Bough of the 
connection between the King and vegetation and the death 
of the king to revive life in nature, he stresses the legend of 
S'unahs'epa as suggesting the former practice of slaying the 
son of the King or a substitute. With this he connects 

1 Einleitung, p. 127.; cf. Meillet, Histoire de la langue latine, p. 78. 
* op. cit. t p. 209. 



CHAPTER II 41 

the accounts of victims treated as kings before sacrifice, and 
so evolves the theory that the Brahmans achieved their 
historical position, as originally the substitutes for the royal 
victim, treated for a time as royal, and thus made equivalent 
in value to the king for sacrificial purposes. The actual 
sacrifice would be performed, to judge from the S'unahs'epa 
legend, by other future victims of whom there would be a 
number, since the kingly sacrifice is needed to counter famine, 
epidemic among men and beasts, and perhaps periodically 
to strengthen the life of nature. Gradually actual sacrifices 
ceased to claim human victims ; the Brahman, however, 
sacratus et sacrans, the recognized mediator between men and 
the supernatural powers, has secured his position and the 
caste is established. He had already drawn to himself 
concern with other sacrificial rites ; he is the living aspect 
of those magic practices which are in some measure his 
equivalent, since they are called Brahman in the neuter ; both 
are remedies to secure good. From this history we can 
understand the relation of the Brahmans and the Ksatriyas 
in Indian History. The former claim, the latter concede, 
pre-eminence, but it is never carried into actuality ; this is 
a reminiscence of the time when the real king and the fictive 
king, the permanent and the temporary, substitute, coexisted 
as indispensable to each other, but the substance of authority 
rested with the former, while the latter was accorded in 
theory higher or coequal rights. Further, the original 
character of the Brahman explains the position assigned in 
the texts to the Brahman priest fn the narrow technical 
sense at the sacrifice. Thereat he neither acts nor speaks, 
but watches its course, prepared to intervene to remedy errors. 
But he obtains half the sacrificial gifts. Does this not de- 
note that, unlike the other priests, he is consubstantial with 



42 ITMAN 

the sacrifice which he himself once was ? Moreover, in the 
famous Purusa hymn (RV. X. 90) we have in mythical form 
a reflex of the ancient rite of the slaying of the king, trans- 
formed into a picture of the creation of the Universe, aqd of 
the Brahman as the highest of the castes, from the sacrifice of 
Purusa, who is none other than the Brahman par excellence." l 
Keith * remarks that these arguments are, no doubt, 
quite ingenious, but the fact cannot be ignored that the 
foundation on which they stand is not at all sound. The 
S'unahs'epa legend offers no evidence to support the idea 
that, for the revival of the life of nature, the death of a royal 
victim is necessary. For the suggestion that in the As'va- 
.medha, the Atreya who is a scape-goat was originally killed, 
there is no evidence, much less for the idea that he was a 
representative of the king, who originally was offered to 
Varuna. The Purusamedha which is clearly a hypothetical 
rite, built by the sutra-makers on the As'vamedha, is of no 
value as evidence. There is no hint in the Brahmanas of 
an actual offering of a Brahmana or a Ksatriya therein. So 
also to deduce from the tale of Manu's proposed sacrifice 
of his wife in the Maitrdyanlya Samhitd (IV. 8. 1) that the 
king was at one time compelled to sacrifice his wife, is a 
mere flight of imagination, as is the further suggestion that 
Indra's action resulted, in the Kathaka Samhita (II. 30), in 
slaying the two Brahmanas who advised Manu's evil deed, 
reflects the offering of Brahmans as substitutes. In order 
to explain the high rank of the Brahmans or .their enter- 
tainment by kings it is* certainly not necessary to resort to 
this theory. The position of the Brahman priest at the 

Summarized by Keith, op. cit. t pp. 209 ff., as in Dum6zil, op. cit., 
pp. 86-96. 

8 op. cit., p. 210 ff. 



CHAPTER II 45 

sacrifice is naturally explained by his later introduction 
into the rites, and his magic powers justify his claims for 
a special share of the gifts. The sacrifice of Purusa is of 
much disputed origin, and the theory of Dum6zil is most 
improbable. 

Keith further points out that the effort to find a parallel 
development through which the Roman Fldmen, originally 
a victim substituted for the King, became the fldmen sacrorum 
populi Romani^ is equally unsuccessful. So also the endea- 
vour to find essential parallels between Brahman and Fldmen* 
There may be many similarities between the two, but there 
are also significant distinctions which point out divergence 
of ideas. A Brahman does not cease to be one, if his wife 
dies nor does his wife play any part similar to that of the 
wife of the Flamen. The Flamen must marry a virgin, a 
Brahman may marry a woman even if she has had ten 
non-Brahman spouses before (AV. V. 17. 8, 9). The Flamen 
dialis may not spend a night outside the city ; wherever a 
learned Brahnian is, there is a city. Thus there is nothing 
whatever to prove the original identity of the Brahman and 
the Fldmen. 

Keith's * own view is that the word Brahman denotes 
' prayer and the mental attitude which induces prayer ', and* 
is perhaps cognate with Old Irish bricht, ' spell,' and Old 
Icelandic bragr l poetic art.' 

Till now we have dealt with the word Brahman, 
and 1 now we take up the other word Atman. It occurs 
altogether twenty-two times in the Rgveda ; in the 

l Op. cit. t pp, 206, 214 if.; Religion and Philosophy of the Veda, 
II. 450 ; for a reiteration of this view, see K. C. Chattopadhyaya's Presi- 
dential Address to the Vedic Section of the IX All India Oriental Con- 
ference, Trivandrum (1937) ; Hopkins also agrees with Keith (Ethics of 
India, p. 85). 



44 ATMAN 

nominative case, the word appears fifteen times ; it is used 
seven times 1 in the sense of 'essence' (svarupabhutah) , 
twice (I. 162. 20; .VII. 101. 6) in the sense of 'body' 
(deha), once (I. 164. 4) in the sense of the * Intelli- 
gent Principle' (cetana), once (VII. 87. 2) to denote ' con- 
troller' (dharayita), twice (VIII. 3. 24; IX. 85, 3) in the 
sense of 'one-self' (svayam), once (X. 16. 3) to denote 
' breath ' (prana), and once (I, 73, 2) the ' blissfuhSoul ' ; in 
the objective case, the word occurs four times ; twice 
(I. 163. 6; X. 97. 8) it denotes the 'body', once (X. 92. 13) 
the ' essence ' (sara), and once (X. 97. 4) to denote the ' self ' ; 
in the possessive case, the word Atman occurs twice 
(X. 163. 5, 6) and on both occasions it signifies ' body ' ; in the 
locative case, it occurs once (IX. 113. 1) and denotes 
' one-self '. 

Besides these, the word occurs as part of compounds like 
Atmaddh, Atmanvat^ and S'atatma ; in the first compound, it 
means 'Soul', 'himself' 2 or vital breath', 3 'essence' or 
' strength ' in the second, and ' multiplicity ' or ' years ', or 
' offspring ' in the third. 

The form Tman occurs seventy-three times in the Rgveda, 
and denotes ' one-self ' (svayam), ' one's grace ' (sviyanugraha- 
buddhih), ' alone,' or the ' Soul ' (Jiva). 

In the Nirukta, the word Atma occurs ten times and is 
always interpreted by Yaska to mean the ' Soul '. 

As regards the meaning of Atman according to European 
scholars, we find that some connect it etymologically with 
the German word athmen and derive it from the root an 



1 RV. I. 34. 7; 115. 1; IX. 2. 10 ; 6. 8 ; X. 97. 11; 107. 7; 168. 
4, ; cp. supra, pp. 5 ff. 

2 Mahidhara on Vajasaneyi Sarfihittt, XXV. 13. 

3 Griffith, White Yajurveda, p. 226. 



CHAPTER II 45' 

* to breathe ' l ; Deussen * -thinks that the word must have 
originally meant ' This I ' (Dieses Ich) and derives it accord- 
ingly from two pronominal roots. Winternitz 3 relies upon 
usage of the word in Indian Literature and remarks that " it 
is often used as a reflexive pronoun, and as a substantive 
denotes one's own person in contrast to the outside world, 
sometimes the trunk in contrast to the limbs, but most 
frequently the * Soul ', the true * Self ', in contrast to the 
body ". Max Miiller 4 prefers to translate Atman by ' Self, 
u that is the true essence of man, free, as yet, from all 
attributes." Roth and Bohtlingk, 3 and Grassmann 6 mention 
' breath ' (Hauch) as the first meaning of Atman. 

Summing up then the views advanced above by scholars, 
both Indian and European, we have the following meanings 
of the words Brahman and Atman ; the former in the mascu- 
line may mean" the ' brahmin singer ', or ' great ', or * prayer f , 
or ' creator ', or * Brhaspati ', or the * Brahma priest ' ; it 
is also used sometimes to denote any * sacrificial priest ' 
in general, or * Ahgirases or Maruts ' ; in the neuter, the 
word means ' prayer ', or ' food ' or * great act ', or ' brahmin ', 
or ' cause of the Universe ', or * body ', or ' great ' or * Rudra '. 
According to some European scholars who attempt to 
derive Brahman etymologically, it means also the * latent 
electric power stirred up by such apparatus as sacred vessels, 
hymns, etc.', or ' fire ', (internal in man or cosmic), or 
' speech or word '. Atman means ' essence ', or ' body ', or 

1 Winternitz, op, cit. t p. 249 ; Max Miiller, Gifford Lectures (1892), p. 249. 
8 Allgemeine Geschichte der Philosophic, I. 1. 285* 
8 Winternitz, toe, cit. 

4 Max Miiller, Gifford Lectures (1892), p. 249. 

5 Sanskrit Worterbuch, p. 621. 

6 Worterbuch zum Rigveda, p. 175 ; The same view is held by Keith 
(Religion and Philosophy of the Veda, II. 451 if.) 



46 ATMAN 

4 intelligent principle ', or ' controller ', or ' one-self ', or 
4 breath ', or ' blissful ', or ' strength ', or ' multiplicity ', or 
4 offspring ', or ' years ' ; according to the majority of European 
scholars * breath ' is the first meaning of Atman. 

The real etymology of the words Brahman and Atman 
is by itself of no importance in the present context. It has 
a significance only for those who attempt to trace the mean- 
ing of these terms backward from the Vedic period. So 
far as their meaning in the Rgveda is concerned, there is 
very little difference of opinion, and it is only this point 
that is relevant to our present purpose. The earlier history 
of the words is traced solely with the object of showing 
that the main thesis remains unaffected whether we accept 
one line of interpretation or the other. 

It has now to be judged to what extent these meanings 
of Brahman and Atman in the Rgveda represent the sense 
in which they were understood by the Upanisadic seers. We 
have already seen above that the Upanisads very frequently 
speak of Brahman being composed of ' knowledge ' (Cit), and 
1 bliss ' (Ananda) ; the Rgvedic seers seem to be quite aware of 
these two attributes of Brahman ; in one stanza (RV* I. 164. 4), 
the seer asks ' Who has seen the primeval (being), at the time 
of his being born ? From earth are the breath and blood, but 
where is the Soul ? Who may repair to the sage to ask this ? ' : 

\ 



In this verse Atman is understood as the thinking or in- 
telligent principle (pancabhfttatmakas'arirasambaddhacetana) 
which though connected with the gross and subtle form, is no 
where perceptible as a separate object. In RV. I. 73. 2d, 
the seer exhorts that Agni is to be cherished for, like Soul, 



CHAPTER II 47 

he is the source of happiness (dtmeva s'evo didhisayyo 'bhut). 
We have here the later Upanisadic idea that * blissfulness ' 
(niratis'ayanandasvarupatva) is the nature of Atman. 

Similarly, the Upanisadic meaning of Atman that it is 
the 'essence' of the body, that it is the * controller', is already 
familiar to the Rgvedic seers for, as mentioned above, 1 eight 
times at least the word Atman denotes in the Rgveda that 
which is the essence (sarabhutah or svanlpabhfitah) , and is 
used once (VII. 87. 2) to denote the ' controller ' (dhdrayita). 
In this later verse, the seer addressing Varuna says Atma te 
vatah, and Sayana interprets the line by saying that Wind 
(Vata) as directed by Varuna is the controller (Atma) of all 
beings. 

So far an attempt was made to point out that some 
Upanisadic conceptions of Brahman and Atman are to be 
found even in the Rgveda. It also seems possible to see the 
survival of certain Rgvedic ideas about Brahman in the 
Upanisads themselves. Before making such and attempt, it is 
first necessary to understand that the Upanisads are nothing 
more than the proceedings of the different philosophical dis- 
cussions held under different auspices in diverse debating halls 
in ancient India. We will then have to admit also that the 
Upanisads represent no single view about Brahman or Atman 
but a set of views held by different thinkers of repute in those 
times. 2 It may be that in various discussions, the ablest 
debater was able to rule the day, but this should not make 

1 Supra, p. 44. 

2 Cf . R. E, Hume who says that " the Upanisads are no homogeneous pro- 
ducts, cogently presenting a philosophic theory, but . . . are compilations 
from different sources recording the ' guesses at truth ' of the early Indians. 
A single, well articulated system cannot be deduced from them." (Thirteen 
Principal Upanishads, p. 9) ; for a lucid and interesting account of these 
thinkers and their theories, see B. M. Barua, Pre-Buddhistic Indian Philo- 
sophy, pp. 92 ff. 



48 ATMAN 

one imagine that his was the only view that was ever brought 
forward. 

According to Hertel, 1 Brahman is etymologically related 
to the Latin word flagro and should mean c fire '. If this 
etymology be acceptable and Brahman in the Rgveda can also 
mean ' fire ', we can see a survival of this meaning when in the 
Brhadaranyaka Upanisad (II. 1), Balaki Gargya gives one of 
the alternative definitions of Brahman as the * person in fire r 
(Agnau purusah). Similarly, Max Muller's view 2 that Brahman 
should originally have meant in the RV. c speech or word \ 
corresponds to the view of Jitvan S'aivalini who, according 
to the Brhadaranyaka Upanisad (IV. 1), is reported to have 
told King Janaka of Videha that Brahman is Vak though 
Yajnavalkya refutes this view later in the same tract of the 
Upanisad. Could these two instances be taken as evidence to 
show that though here and there a Yajnavalkya or an 
Ajatas'atru or an As'vapati may propound and establish an 
advanced view, there were people, even in Upanisadic times, 
whose views about Brahman and Atman were not different 
from those prevailing in earlier ages ? 

Whether this proposition is acceptable or not, 3 it seems 
safe to conclude at least that the germs of the Upanisadic 
Brahman and Atman are clearly found in times even so far 
back as the Rgvedic period, and that the attempts made 
by some scholars to prove that Upanisadic speculation is 

1 Supra, p. 27. 

2 Supra, p. 30. 

3 Cf . R. E. Hume (op. cit., p. 14) who observes: "In the Rgveda, 
brahma seems to have meant first ' hymn ' , ' prayer ' , ' sacred knowledge ' , 
'magic formula*. In this very sense it is used in the Upanisads eg., Tait- 
tiriya Upam$ad, III. 10. 4, as well as in compounds such as brahmavat, 
'possessed of magic formulas,' and brahmavarcasa, 'superiority in sacred 
Knowledge V 



CHAPTER II 49 

purely of non-brahmanical origin ! are mere vague guesses 
which are unsupported by any kind of internal evidence. 



1 cf. F. E. Pargiter (Ancient Indian Historical Tradition, p. 59) who 
believes in the existence of two distinct traditions in ancient India ; for a state- 
ment as well as complete refutation of this view held by scholars like Deussen, 
Garbe and Wmtermtz, a separate section has been devoted , supporters of this 
view usually cite instances of kings like Ajatas'atru and As'vapati who refuted 
the views advanced before them by several brahmin scholars. But, as an in- 
stance to support the contradictory proposition, the case of the great Upanisadic 
seer YdijTiavalkya, whose views predominated most in the Upanisadic period, 
may be pointed out. The only safe conclusion in this respect seems to be that, 
while sacrificial rites etc., were restricted to men, and among them to brahmins 
only, philosophical disquisitions and deliberations were thrown open to others 
as well, to Ksatriyas like King Janaka and As'vapati, to S'udras like Raikva, 
the carter, and to women like Gargl and Maitrcyl. 

4 



CHAPTER III 

* 

THE CONCEPTION OF IMMORTALITY 
IN THE VEDA 

IN the previous section, we have considered the meaning of 
the terms Brahman and Atman and their synonyms, and it 
has been shown that the Rgvedic Aryans recognised some 
entity in man different from the body and surviving death. 
Various attributes of this entity have been noticed in this con- 
nection. In the following section, it is proposed to consider 
the problem of the immortality of the Soul and its destiny 
after the destruction of the body. 

Belief in personal immortality is not a doctrine of schools, 
but a conclusion of humanity. It is not based on the logic or 
metaphysics of any particular system, but is the utterance of 
a primary instinct common to the entire human race. The 
great religions of the world all of which accept this theory, 
have each its own form and solution for the problem. Never- 
theless, the fact remains that every such theory has for its 
basis * the crucial assumption of the disparateness between 
Matter and Energy '. l 

In so far as the intimations of immortality in the Veda 
are concerned, it is the eschatalogical hymns of the Samhitas, 
particularly of the Rgveda, that seem to have the maximum 
1 Keyserling, Immortality, p. 22. 



CHAPTER III 51 

disclosures to make. A people who believe in penal re- 
tribution after death for man's deeds on Earth can afford to 
be consistent only when they accept that a portion of the 
individual is unaffected by the events of birth and death, and 
survives the body which is destroyed when he dies. Such is 
the case with the Rgvedic Aryans who, in consonance with 
their conception of Heaven where the virtuous revel with 
Yama, clearly accept the existence of the immortal portion of 
the individual which survives burial or cremation. 

Fire or the grave is thus considered to destroy the body 
only, while the real personality of the dead man is indestruc- 
tible. In one verse of the RV. (X. 16. 6), Agni is requested 
to temper the unborn portion (Ajo bhdga) of man with his 
flames, but not to consume it also. We have here an adum- 
bration of the * subtle body ' (Suksmas'arlra) of the Upanisads 
and of the later philosophical literature. This immortal 
principle of the individual is also called by such names as 
Pnma, At man, Asu, or Manas, and is believed often to be 
separable from the body even during unconsciousness. In one 
hymn (RV. X. 58), the Soul (Manas) of one who is lying 
apparently dead is besought to return to the body wherever it 
be wandering. As the seat of thought and emotion, Manas is 
also regarded as dwelling in the heart (Hrd) [RV. VIIL 89. 5]. 
The usages of the words mentioned already, as also several 
other passages occurring in the Rgveda prove that these seers 
had a fairly advanced conception of the Soul. These poets 
knew already that the Soul is different from the body and 
survives its destruction, that it forms the essence of the body 
and is its controller, that it is the experiencer of the reward of 
man's actions, and that it is composed of the three qualities, 
Sat, Cit and Ananda. 1 

1 For a detailed account, see supra, p. 15 f. 



52 ATMAN 

There are some passages in the Rgveda where a clear 
reference is made to the Souls of deceased ancestors (pitarah) 
who are conceived of as still existing in some other world. 
The seer once (RV. I. 36. 18) seeks to invite, through 
the agency of Agni, Turvasa, Yadu and Ugradeva from 
afar. The fathers are said to have adorned the sky with 
stars, as a bay horse is decorated with pearls (kr&anebhih) l 
Two paths are mentioned, one of the fathers and the other 
of the gods (RV. X. 88. 15). Soma, in concert with the 
fathers, is said to have extended the heaven and earth (RV. VIII. 
48. 13). A prayer is offered to the early fathers, who know 
the realms, that they should not injure their descendants 
(RV. III. 55. 2). 2 

Two entire hymns (X. 15 and 54) are devoted in the 
Rgveda for the praise of these ancestors. Different races of 
them are mentioned like the Kavyas, Rkvans, Angirases, 
Navagvas, Vairnpas, Atharvans, Bhrgus, and Vasisthas 
(RV. X. 14. 3-6 ; 15. 8). Among these the Angirases are 
particularly associated with Yama (RV. X. 14. 3, 5), though 
it is also said that all the fathers revel with him (RV. X. 
14. 10 ; 135. 1). Distinction is also made among them as 
lower, higher and middle (RV. X. 15. 1), as earlier and later 
(RV. X. 15. 2). Some 3 become immortal and are deified while 
others 4 are denied this privilege. Some rejoice in the call 
svaha in comrnon with the gods, while others take delight in 
the call svadha (RV. X. 14. 3). The descendants of these 

1 RV. X. 68. 11 

3 See also RV. VI. 52. 4 ; 75. 10 , VII. 35. 12 , IX. 83. 3 , X. 107. 1. 

3 Chief among these are the Kb hits and the Ma ruts. This point is discuss- 
ed elaborately in the later portions of this section. 

4 To this category belong the Kavyas, Rkvans, Vasisthas and other 
varieties of fathers who remain unnamed in the Veda. All these rejoice in 
svadhd, ; and though all these accompany the gods to sacrifices, the Kavyas 
seem to be the special followers of Agni (RV. X. 15. 9). 



CHAPTER III 53 

ancestors may not know them all, but Agni knows every one 
of them (RV. X. 15. 13). In general, these fathers lead the 
life of the gods themselves, for with them they feast (RV. VII. 
76. 4) and with them are invited to partake of offerings given 
by their descendants on earth (RV. X. 14. 5). Thus propitiated 
by their children on earth, they are not ungrateful ; having 
become immortal (AV. VI. 41. 3), they care faithfully for their 
mortal offspring in this world. Where men prepare the sacri- 
fice and call them, thither they all go in thousands (RV. X. 
15. 10, 11). full of gifts, ' with succour rich in blessing, with 
prosperity and blessing to the mortal adorer. They bring 
their sons might and wealth and prosperity ; they hear, help, 
comfort ; they fight boldly like heroes in battle and give a 
thousandfold rewar/1 for the offerings V The worshippers 
request these fathers not to injure them for any sin committed 
by them through human frailty (RV. X. 15. 6). 

Certain cosmic actions are also attributed 2 to these 
fathers (pitarah) ; they are thus said to have adorned the sky 
with stars and placed darkness in the night and light in the 
day (RV. X. 68. 11), and to have found the hidden light and 
generated the dawn (RV. VIIL 76. 4 ; X. 107. 1). 

From what has been said till now it is clear that the 
Vedic poets believed in the survival of the immortal principle of 
man even after the destruction of his mortal body. The further 
destiny of this immortal principle remains now to be considered. 

1 RV. X. 15, 4^ 5, 7. 

2 cf . the Iranian Fravashis who are said to aid Ahura-Mazda in ordering 
the heaven above, which, gleaming and beautiful, encloses in itself and round 
about that earth, which like a building stands raised, firmly founded, far- 
reaching, like polished metal in appearance, shining over the three parts of the 
earth. Through their action and might, the divinely created waters flow- 
onward in their beautiful paths , the trees grow forth from the earth, and the 
wind blows ; through their action and might, sun, moon and stars move on their 
paths, the heavens, the waters, the earth with its blessing, the whole world, 
remain established (cited by Kaegi, Rigveda, p. 166 n.) 



54 ATMAN 

These poets were uncompromising optimists who gloried 
in the life they lived on earth. They longed to live on earth 
as long as possible rather than to get out of it. * May we live 
for a -hundred autumns' is the oft-repeated boon that the 
Vedic seer desired from his propitious gods. 1 Whitney's * 
observations in this connection are noteworthy : " The earliest 
inhabitants of India were far enough removed from the un- 
healthy introversion of their descendants, from their contempt 
of all things beneath the sun, from their melancholy opinion 
of the vanity and misery of existence, from their longings to 
shuffle off the mortal coil forever, and from the metaphysical 
subtlety of their views respecting the universe and its creator. 
They looked at all these things with the simple apprehension, 
the naive faith, which usually characterises a primitive people. 
They had a hearty and healthy love of earthly life, and an 
outspoken relish for all that makes up for the ordinary 
pleasures of life. Wealth and numerous offspring were the 
constant burden of their prayers to their gods ; success in 
predatory warfare, or in strife for consideration for power, was 
fervently besought. Length of days in the land, or death 
by no other cause than old age, was not less frequently 
Supplicated ; they clung to the existence of which they fully 
appreciated all the delights." Nor were they afiaid to die 
for, after death, they went to a place which was not uncovet- 
able. Their ancestors who went long back (RV. X. 14. 7) 
had prepared for them another place which was even more 
joyous. Yama, the son of Vivasvat, who was the first 
to know the path (gaturii prathamo viveda)* and hence 

1 See, for instance, RV. VII. 66. 16. 

2 Oriental and Linguistic Studies, pp. 49 ff. 

3 RV. X. 14. 2 ; the Atharvaveda (XVIII. 3. 13) is more explicit in saying 
that Yama is the first mortal to die (yo mamara prathamo inarty&nath). 



CHAPTER IIT 55 

perhaps the ruler of the dead (RV. X. 16. 9), has found a 
dwelling in the highest heaven from which no power can 
displace them (RV. X. 14. 2). To this place which Yama has 
spied out as the path for many (bahubhyah panthdm anu- 
paspas'anam) are admitted all the dead, for he is the assembler 
of people (sangamanam jandndm). 1 The dead man obtains 
here a resting place (RV. X. 14. 9) when recognized by Yama 
as his own (AV. XVIII. 2. 37). When the dead body is 
either consigned to flames * or laid away to gentle rest in the 
bosom of Mother Earth,' the earth-born portion is given back, 
but the Soul of the pious man which belongs to the world 
above, 4 soars up towards a new life '* : 



*t TO *?ft wt a fccpft+fa afl fimr 





1 RV. X. H. 1 , cf. the Avc5^a which mentions Yitna making a gathering 
(hanjawanem) of mortals (Vendidad. II. 21) [SBE. f IV. 15.] ; cf. Lanman, 
Sanskrit Reader, p. 377. 

* RV. X. 16. 1. 
8 RV X 18. 10-13. 

4 cf. RV. X. 14. 8 where the Soul is asked to go back to its home (punar 
crstam ehi) which seems to be a clear anticipation, of course without its sting, 
of Byron's lines . 

14 Methinks we have lived in some old world, 
And this is Hell." 

Compare also Wordsworth when he says 

' ' Our birth is but a sleep and a forgetting . 
The Soul that rises with us, our Life's Star, 
Hath had elsewhere its setting, 
And cometh from afar." 

" RV. X. 16. 3, 4. 



56 ATMAN 

Two verses * in Muir's metrical sketch of the Vedic idea 
of the future life express the same idea in a very beauti- 
ful way : 

" Thine eye shall seek the solar orb, 

Thy life-breath to the wind shall fly, 

Thy part ethereal to the sky ; 

Thine earthly part shall earth absorb. 

Thine unborn part shall Agni bright 
With his benignest rays illume, 
And guide it through the trackless gloom 
To yonder sphere of life and light." 

Before the deceased reaches the abode of Yama who sits 
engaged in an everlasting bout with the gods, the man has 
first to run past the two, four-eyed, brindled dogs whom he 
meets on the way (RV. X. 14. 10 ; 135. 1). Nor does he go 
without escort, for Pusan, Agni and Savitr lead the dead on 
the far path to the fathers (RV. X. 17. 3-5). The dove 
(kapota) and the owl (uliika) are also called the messengers of 
death (nirrti, mrtyu) 3 . Also, it is not right to expect that the 
Soul which casts off its dead body at the funeral, revels in 
Heaven after regaining its old earthly body or without any 
body at all. The mundane body discarded at death was 
useful only during the Soul's stay on earth, and its revival 3 is 
quite unnecessary. Nor is the alternative view tenable that 
no body is necessary for the Soul once it leaves the earth. In 
order to enjoy the luxuries available in Heaven, the Soul must 
have a body. Having destroyed its earthly body on the 

1 Original Sanskrit Texts, V. 328. 

2 RV. X. 165. 1, 4. 

3 Contrast Keith, Religion and Philosophy of the Veda, II. 405, where 
he maintains that the old body is revived, though in a new form. 



CHAPTER in 57 

funeral-pyre, it must now have a new body, one as befits a 
resident in the abode of the gods. We are thus told that the 
moment the dead man enters the abode of Yama, he shakes 
off all imperfections and bodily frailties (RV. X. 14. 8 ; AV. 
VI. 120. 3). The limbs are no longer lame or crooked, and 
all sickness is cast off (AV. III. 28. 5). He has entered a 
' land over-flowing with milk and honey ' (AV. IV. 34. 6) 
where there is eternal light (RV. IX. 113. 7), where all people 
are equal and the weak are no longer subject to pay tribute to 
the strong (AV. III. 29. 3). Here, united with a glorious body 
(tanva suvarcah\ l he passes a life of eternal enjoyment. In 
this heaven, the sound of the flute and of songs is heard 
(RV. X. 135. 7), and there seems to be abundant scope for 
sexual gratification also (AV. IV. 34. 2). The enjoyments at this 
state arc said to be granted by Soma and are described thus : * 



... n 



. . . 



ft mis* 



34: 5115 

. . . . n 



1 RV. X. 14. 8. 

3 RV. IX. 113. 7-11. 



58 ATMAN 

" Where glory never-fading is where is the world of 

heavenly light, 
The world of immortality the everlasting set me 

there ! 
Where Yama reigns, Vivasvat's son where is the 

inmost sphere of heaven, 
Where those abounding waters flow O make me but 

immortal there ! 
Where there is freedom unrestrained there in the 

triple vault of heaven, 
Where worlds of brightest glory are O make me but 

immortal there ! 
Where pleasures and enjoyments are where raptures 

and abiding bliss, 
Where all desires are satisfied O make me but 

immortal there ! 
Where joys and delights are, where pleasures and 

gratifications. 
Where objects of desire are attained O make me 

but immortal there ! " 

So much for the usual destiny of the virtuous after death. 
All that is quite clear from this account is that some element 
in man survived death, an element which we can conveniently 
call the " Soul ". We also know that these Souls have enjoy- 
ment in another world. But one is not sure of their ultimate 
destiny. Did they continue in their state of enjoyment eternally 
or was there a time-limit for their period of stay in their posi- 
tion conditioned by the nature of the virtuous deeds during 
their life-time ? If there was a such a termination what hap- 
pens to them ? Do they come back to earth for a second term 
of life or do they continue a bare existence without any 



CHAPTER III 59 

attributes of existence like activities and enjoyments ? Or 
do the Souls come to an end ? 

Again, if their enjoyment in Heaven is permanent, is 
there not any difference in this fruit conditioned by differences 
in the meritorious deeds during life ? And d6es a Soul get 
only one chance to decide its permanent destiny ? Again, for 
those who have not the meritorious deeds during their life to 
entitle them for enjoyment in Heaven, what is the destiny ? Is 
it permanent Hell for the wicked, or a permanent existence 
of indifference for the rest who w r ere neither virtuous nor 
wicked ? 

Another point on which there is uncertainty is in relation 
to the association of the Souls after death with a physical 
form. They have cast off their material body. Do they assume 
a new body or do the Souls exist in association with a finer 
body which survives the material body after death ? There is 
no doubt about the fact that the Souls did not continue in an 
absolutely disembodied state. There is mention of the body 
associated with the Soul (RV. X. 14. 8) and there is also 
mention of physical acts like drinking (RV. X. 15. 5, 6). 
Therefore the Souls must have been associated with some 
kind of body which cannot be different in formation from the 
material body of the earthly life. Whether there was only 
what in later philosophy is termed Siiksmas'arira or whether 
the Suksmas'arlra gathered another gross body, perhaps not 
so materialistic as the earthly one and perhaps also adapted 
to the more spiritual life of the higher region, these are points 
on which adequate evidences are lacking. But the impression 
one gathers is that the Souls led a physical and concrete life. 
In this connection w r e must take note of the fact that the gods 
also are described as having a physical form, 1 and there is no 

1 This is clear in the description of Indra, Maruts, Trita and Users. 



60 ATMAN 

reason to believe that the Souls enjoying in Heaven were con- 
ceived of in any other way. 

In the case of those who are blessed with the exalted 
position in Heaven, what is it that differentiates them from 
gods ? Is it only a difference in capacity to bless humanity 
like other gods ? Various such philosophic problems arise when 
we study the condition of the Souls after death. The theory 
of transmigration very clearly propounded in the Upanisads 
and in post -U pan isadic literature offers a solution for some 
of these difficulties. This doctrine enables us to bring about 
an equation between a man's action and his experience conse- 
quent upon it. But there is no certain evidence for the 
acquaintance of the Vedic seers with this doctrine. The two 
passages punar astam ehi l (return to this home or literally 
translated, * come again to this home ', i.e., this earth, and the 
refrain tatra mam amrtam krdhi in the end of RV. IX. 113 
may be taken to indicate the non-permanence of the Soul's 
existence in Heaven. In the second passage, the question 
arises why, if the Soul were not to enjoy permanently in 
Heaven, the poet should so eagerly pray to be made perma- 
nent in that Heaven." From the close resemblance which we 
notice between the Upanisadic and the Rgvedic doctrines re- 
garding Brahman and Atman, it may not be illegitimate to pre- 
sume that the Rgvedic Aryans interested themselves in the 
rebirth of the Soul in a new body on this earth. The prob- 
lem of the destiny of the Soul arises only in respect of those 
cases where the Souls just enter Heaven for continuation 
of the happy existence they enjoyed on earth. There is no 
such problem in cases where the Rgvedic notions are fairly 

1 RV. X. 14. 8. 

2 C. Kunhan Raja, Cultural Heritage of India, I. 30 ff. 



CHAPTER III 61 

clear, namely the instances of certain mortals l whose special 
merit is said to have brought them * immortality ' (amr- 
tatva) and who thereafter got respected as gods. The 
destination spoken of hitherto is meant * for ascetics 
(tapasd ye anadhrsydh), soldiers (ye yudhyante pra- 
dhanesu), and philanthropists (ye sahasradaksinah)' ; but 
those that demonstrated some feats proving their extra- 
ordinary skill were rightly honoured with a higher reward 
which was inaccessible to commonalty. If the former got 
after death, the privilege of enjoyment in company with Yama, 
their primeval ancestor, the latter then became immortal and 
enjoyed the company even of the high gods, a fact which is 
often hyperbolically expressed by saying that they be- 
came gods. 

Notable among those that belong to this category are the 
Rbhus, the Mantis, the Arigirases, the Virupas, the Navagvas, 
the Atliarvans, the Bhrgus and the Ku&ikas. The Rbhtts are 
of uncertain parentage. Too very frequently { they are called 
sons of Sudhanvan ; but they are also known as sons of Indra 
(Indrasya suno) * and children of Manu (manor napatah).' 
Agni is once called their brother (RV. I. 161. 1). 

Nor is there unanimity of opinion regarding their nature 
among scholars. Hillebrandt b sees in them the " three 
seasons " (rtavah), and Weber 7 the genii of the past, present 

1 The view is also stated that even the gods are not immortal by nature, 
but this is a later achievement of theirs, either as a result of drinking soma 
(RV. IX. 106. 8) or of the bounty of Savitr (RV IV. 54. 2) or Agni 
(RV. VI. 7. 4) 

J RV. X. 154. 2-5. 

3 RV. I. 161. 2, 7, 8 , 110. 4 ; III. .60. 4 ; IV. 35. 1 and so on. 

4 RV. IV. 37. 4. 

5 RV. III. 60. 3 , Sayana interprets this as sons of Arigiras (manusyasyan- 
girasah putrah) . 

6 Vedische Mythologie, III. 135-54. 

7 Vedische Beitrage, cited by Keith, op. cit., I. 178, 



62 ITMAN 

and future. Keith finds fault 1 with both these theories saying 
that the evidence adduced in each case forbids any certainty 
ot even probability ; but the same objection applies to the view 
maintained by him 2 as well as Macdonell 3 that these Rbhus 
might originally bave been terrestrial or aerial elves who won 
their way to divinity. Bergaigne almost hits the mark when 
he says 4 that these should be three ancient sacrificers whose 
skill brought them immortality and whose number is in corres- 
pondence with the sacrificial fires. But there is enough 
evidence in the Vedas to show that the Rbhus were originally 
mortals, and that they attained their divinity and a share of 
the sacrifice through exhibition of their unusual skill.' The 
third or evening libation (savana) belongs to them as a reward 
for their merit. (J 

The feats performed by the Rbhus are numerous ; but 
five seem to be specially conspicuous for their dexterity, and 
these are considered to have been responsible for their attain- 
ment to divinity. Each of these feats is enumerated in the 
following verse (RV. IV. 34. 9) in the most laconical way : 

\ 



The verse seems to speak first of the fashioning of the 
As'vins themselves by the Rbhus, but what is to be under- 
stood here is the car which was fashioned by the latter for 

1 op. cit. t p. 177 f. 

8 Ibid., p. 178. 

3 Vedic Mythology, p. 134. 

4 La Religion Vedique, II. 412. 
5 RV. I. 20. 1, 8; 121. 6, 7. 

6 RV. I. 161. 8 ; IV. 33. 11 ; 34. 4 ; 35. 9 ; cf. Aitarcya Brahmana (III. 
30. 2) which speaks of them as men who, by austerity (tapas), obtained a right 
to partake of so ma along with the gods. 



CHAPTER III 63 

the use of the former, an event which has been celebrated 
very often elsewhere 1 in the Rgveda in most unambiguous 
terms. The uniqueness of the car consists in that it is able 
to traverse space horseless, reinless and with only three 
wheels (RV. IV. 36. 1). The ' fashioning of the parents' 
refers to the skill with which they rejuvenated their parents 
(RV. I. 20. 4 ; 111. 1 ; IV. 35. 5) who were frail and lay like 
decaying posts (RV. I. 110.8; IV. 33. 2, 3) and who, after 
treatment by the Rbhus became young again (RV. I. 161. 3, 7) 
so that they could walk (RV. IV. 36. 3). The next feat of 
fashioning the milch-cow (nil dhenum tataksuh) should be a 
cryptic reference to the story that these Rbhus formed out of 
hide (RV. I. 110. 8) or extracted from it (RV. I. 161. 7) a 
cow which yields nectar (RV. I. 20. 3) which is all stimulating 
and omniform (RV. IV. 33. 8). The cow seems to have been 
formed for the sake of Brhaspati, and the Rbhus are said to 
have also guarded her and formed her flesh (RV. IV. 33. 4). 
The story that the Rbhus reunited the mother with her calf 
may also be a variant recension of the above episode. For 
Indra, the Rbhus are reported to have fashioned two bay 
steeds (hart) ' 2 and this is the feat referred to by the phrase 
ye a&va in the verse under consideration. The expression ye 
amsatra cakruh is interpreted by Sayana to mean that the 
Rbhus manufactured armour for the use of the gods (amsa- 
trdni kavacani devebhyas' cakruh). The separation of Heaven 
and Earth is obviously another method of expressing the idea 
that the Rbhus established the two worlds. 

Besides the feats recorded by the verse above, there 
is one more which is too very frequently mentioned, perhaps 

1 RV. I. 20. 3 ; 161. 6 ; X. 39. 12 and so on. 

2 The same thing may be meant when the Rblws are represented as 
desiring to make a horse or as having made horse after horse (RV. I. 161. 3, 7). 



64 ATMAN 

with the idea that it is the greatest. This is the making 
of one cup, manufactured by Tvastr into four (RV. I. 20. 6 ; 
IV. 35. 2, 3 ; 36. 4 etc). The Ebhtts are said to have performed 
the feat after having been commissioned to do so by the gods 
through Agni, their messenger, and the promised fee is receipt 
of worship on an equal footing with the gods (RV. I. 161. 
1, 2). According to one version, Tvastr seems to have 
approved of this feat (RV. IV. 33. 5, 6), while another goes 
on to say that he got so enraged that he would fain slay these 
desecrators of the goblet of the gods (RV. I. 161. 4, 5). 
Among other minor feats of the Rbhus may be mentioned the 
accounts given of their having fashioned prayer (RV. X. 80. 7), 
sacrifices (RV. III. 54. 12) and of their being supporters of the 
sky (RV. X. 66. 10). 

By these feats they acquired immortality * and became 
gods, alighting like eagles in Heaven (RV. IV. 35. 8). By 
their energy they mounted to Heaven (RV. I. 110. 6) and 
traversing by the path of immortality to the host of the gods 
(RV. IV. 35. 3), not merely obtained immortality among them 
but also gained their friendship, 2 so much so that they are often 
expressly invoked as gods (RV. IV. 36. 5 ; 37. 1). 

As in the case of the Rbhus, the nature of the Maruts is 
also complex. Kuhn, Benfey, 3 Meyer, 4 Schroeder," and Hille- 
brandt, 6 arguing on the doubtful basis of etymology, hold 
these Maruts to be no more than personifications of the 
Souls of the dead ; but from the evidence available in the Veda 

1 RV. III. 60. 3 ; I. 110. 4. 

* RV. IV. 33. 3, 4, 35. 3 ; 36. 4. 

3 Orient und Occident on RV. I. 6. 4, cited by Keith, op. cit. t I. 152 , 
Macdonell, op. cit. t p. 81. 

4 Indogcrmanische Mythcn, I. 218, cited by Keith, loc. ctt. 
6 WZKM., IX. 248-9, cited by Macdonell, loc. cit. 

6 Vedische Mythologie, III, 317, cited by Keith, loc. cit. 



CHAPTER III 65 

it does not seem safe to conclude anything more than that 
they were originally priests who rose to divinity by merit. 
They are several times l called singers, and are said to 
have made the sun shine through their songs (RV. VIII. 
29. 10). When in the company of Indra, they are ad- 
dressed as priests (RV. V. 29. 3) and are compared with 
priests (RV. X. 78. 1). They are said to be the first to perform 
the sacrifice as Das'agvas (RV. II. 36. 2), and while the 
Bhrgus only kindled Agni, they are said to have purified him 
in the house of the pious (RV. X. 122. 5). The merit 
acquired thus brought them divinity (RV. I. 85. 7) and enabled 
them to drink soma. 2 

. The Angirases seem to be the most important of the 
Vedic ancestors. Not only does their name occur over sixty 
times in the RV., but also one entire hymn (RV. X. 62) is 
specially devoted to their praise. They seem to derive their 
name from Angiras who was their ancestor, for they are some- 
times called sons of Angiras (angirasah sunavah). 3 There 
is also the usual controversy regarding their nature. To 
Hillebrandt 4 their non-prominence in the " Family Books" 
is proof enough to conclude that they were originally outside 
Vedic tradition on entering which they carried with them 
their ancestors as semi-divine. Weber * positively declares 
them to be priests of the earlier Indo-Iranian period. Roth 
and Bohtlingk understand them to be a race of higher beings 

1 RV. V. 52. 1 ; VII. 35. 9 etc. 
3 RV. II. 36. 2 ; VIII. 83. 9-12 etc. 
3 RV. X. 62. 5. 
*Op cit., II. 159 ff. 

5 Indische Studien, I. 291 ff, 

6 Sanskrit Wdrterbuch, I. 55; Cf. Bergaigne, op. cit.> II. 309 ; Olden- 
berg. Die Religion des Veda, p. 127 ; Kaegi, Rigveda, p. 42 n. ; Macdonell, 
op. cit., p. 143. 

5 



66 ITMAN 

i^tween gods and men, whose priestly character is a later 
development (ein Geschlecht hoherer Wesen das zwischen 
Gottern und Menschen steht). 

Their description in the Veda warrants at least the conclu- 
sion that they were originally priests who, by exhibition of 
special merit, were later deified. The seers most frequently call 
them 'fathers' (pitarah), 1 'our fathers' (nah pitarah) , 2 and 
' our ancient fathers ' (nah purve pitarah) . 3 On one occasion 
(RV. X. 14. 6), they are mentioned as fathers with Atharvans 
and Bhrgus, and seem to be specially associated with Yama 
(RV. X. 14. 3-5). They are also once called Brahman priests 
(RV. VII. 42. 1). They found Agni hidden in the wood 
(RV, V. 11. 6) and thought of the first ordinance of sacrifice 
(RV. X. 67. 2). By virtue of their sacrifice, they obtained 
Indra's friendship, as well as immortality (RV. X. 62. 1). Such 
seems to be their intimacy with Indra that the latter is twice 
(RV. I. 100. 4 ; 130. 3) called chief Ahgiras (arigirastama).' 
After they attained immortality, soma was offered to them 
(RV. IX. 62. 9), and they were invoked even as gods 
(RV. III. 53. 7 ; X. 62). 

Intimately connected with the Arigirases are the Virupah, 
the Navagvah and the Das'agvah. The name of the first 
group occurs nine times in the RV. Since, as an adjective, 
the word means ' one of variable form T and, as a noun, 
is always found along with the Angirases, it is possible 
to infer that the Virupah may be only an attribute of the 
Angirases, and, if this is not possible, at least a variety of them. 6 

1 RV. X. 62. 2. 

2 RV. I. 71. 2. 

3 RV. I. 62. 2. 

4 Soma (RV. IX. 107. 6) and Usas (RV* VII. 75, 1 ; 79. 3) get the same 
appellation. Agni is once called the best of the oldest of the Angirases 
4Jye$ham angiras&m). 

6 cf. Keith, op. cit., p. 224. 



CHAPTER III 67 

The Navagvas are mentioned fourteen times in the RV., 
while the Das'agvas are mentioned only seven times. According 
to Sayana, these two words are the appellatives given to some 
groups of the Angirases. In a contest for the acquisition l of 
Heaven between the Kdityas and the Angirases, the latter 
seem to have won ; a group of Angirases completed the sacri- 
fice in nine days and were thereafter called the Navagvas, while 
another group which completed the same in ten days was 
designated Das'agvas. (Aditydndm angirasdm ca svarga- 
gamanam prati spardhamdndndm madhye purvam evdngiraso 
ydgdn anusthdya svargam prdptdh. . . . angiraso dvividhdh 
satraydgam anutisthanto ye navabhir mdsais samdpya gatds 
te navagvdh . . . ye tu das'abhir mdsais samdpya jagmus te 
das'agvdli)* Bloomfield explains 3 the two names by saying 
that they denote the winners of nine and ten cows respectively, 
Macdonell takes 4 them to mean people moving in groups of 
nine and ten. Whatever be the etymological significance of the 
terms, it is clear that the Navagvas and the Da&agvas are 
only varieties of the Angirases. This is clearly expressed 
by one verse (RV. X. 62. 6) which calls each of them ' chief 
Angiras ' (atigirastamd) . Like the Angirasep, the Navagvas 
are spoken of as 'our ancient fathers ' (nali purve p itarah),* 

1 This is only hinted at in RV. II. 34. 12, though not quite clearly ; but in 
later literature this story is described quite elaborately. See Jaiminiya BrCth- 
mana, III. 187 f . ; II. 115-17; Aitareya Brahmana, VI. 34 f. ; Kausttaki 
Brfthmana, XXX. 6; Pancavims'a Brahtnana, XVI. 12.1; Baudhayana 
Srauta Sutra, XVIII. 22 if. 

2 Sayana on RV. II. 34. 12 and I. 62. 4. 

3 /. A. O. S., XVI,, p. cxxxv ; cf. Bergaigne, op. cit. t II. 145. 

4 Op. cit. % p. 144, based on Yaska's explanation of the term to mean 
navagatayah (See Nirukta, XI. 19). Yaska takes the word also in the sense 
of navanitagatayah. According to Durga (See commentary on Nirukta, 
XI. 19), navagatayah means ' those of new gait ', and navanitagatayah ' those 
whose mind is on butter.' 

5 RV. VI. 22. 2. 



68 STMAN 

and as 'our fathers' (nah pitarah), 1 and like them help 
Indra in finding out the cows. 3 

Twice only does the name of the Das'agvas occur inde- 
pendently and they are usually associated with the Navagvas 
in their diverse activities. 3 They are the first to have offered 
sacrifice (RV. II. 34. 12) and are said to have assisted Indra 
in discovering the sun (RV. III. 39. 5). It must be out ol 
gratitude for all this help of the Da&agvas that Indra is once 
(RV. VIII. 12. 2) reported to have rescued one of them, 
Adhrigu by name, from his enemies. As the name Das'agva 
occurs less frequently in the RV. than the name Navagva, it 
is sometimes 4 held that the former name is only a numerical 
variation of the latter, fashioned at a later stage ; but the 
fact that .their distinctive feat of discovering the sun is 
attributed to the Angirases in one verse (RV. VIII. 29. 10) 
shows that the Da&agvas must be a recognized group among 
the Angirases. 

- Fourteen are the occurrences of the name Atharvan in the 
Rgveda, eleven times in the singular and only three times in the 
plural. The word occurs more than twenty times in the AV 
also. The Atharvans generally appear in the character of priests 
That they are only a variety of the pitarah is clear fron 
the fact that they are enumerated as such along with th< 
Angirases, the Navagvas, and the Bhrgus (RV. X. 14. 6) 
They are said to have established the order of sacrifice; 
(RV, X. 92. 10), to have thence produced the sun (RV. I. 83. 5) 
and to have brought a cup of soma to Indra (AV. XVIII 
3. 54) ; and the merit acquired by the performance of thes< 

1 RV. X. 14. 6. 

RV. I. 62. 3,4; V. 29. 12 ; 45. 7 ; III. 39. 5 ; X. 108. 8. 

* See, for instance, RV. V. 29. 12 where, along with the Navagvas, the 
assist Indra in detecting the cows. 

4 Macdonell, loc. cit. 



CHAPTER III 69 

deeds is obviously responsible for their being able to dwell in 
Heaven, to be companions of the gods, to be related to them, 
nay to be called gods even (AV. IV. 1. 7 ; XL 6. 13). 

Along with the Atharvans, the Bhrgus are also mentioned 
among the fathers (RV. X. 14. 6). Their name occurs 
twenty-three times in the RV. While the skill of the Atharvans 
consists in having established rites with sacrifices, the Bhrgus 
established Agni like a friend well-deposited in wood 
(RV. VI. 15. 2) or as a treasure among men (RV. I. 58. 6). 
Agni is even called the gift of the Bhrgus (RV. III. 2. 4). 
By the demonstration of such skill, they are said to h&ve 
shown themselves as gods (RV. X. 92. 10). 

The name of the Kus'ikas occurs nine times in the RV., 
once only in the singular and for the remaining times in the 
plural. The contexts in which their 'name occurs in the 
Veda make it clear that they are priests like the Atharvans 
or the Bhrgus. They chant hymns in praise of Agni 
(RV. III. 26) and the Rivers (RV. III. 33. 5), and, with the 
aspiration to reach heaven, they are said to have prepared a 
hymn (vahali akran) in praise of Indra (RV. III. 30. 20), 

So far those that obtained immortality by their merit 
were enumerated. Immortality is often spoken of as a gift 
of the gods for those worshippers who propitiate them. Agni l 
and Soma* render mortals immortal (amrtah). The Mantts are 
besought to make their worshippers immortal (RV. V. 55. 4), 
and one of the gifts sought by the devotees of Mitra and 
Varuna is immortality (RV. V. 63. 2). The exhilarating and 
invigorating effect of the soma-drink has often called forth 
some of the latent powers of poetic imagination of the Vedic 
bards. Soma is called by them the immortal stimulant 

1 RV. I. 31. 7. 

2 RV. I. 91, 1 ; VIII. 48. 3. 



70 ATMAN 

(amartyam madam), 1 which the gods love (RV. IX. 85. 2) and 
of which, when pressed by men and mixed with milk, all the 
gods drink (RV. IX. 109. 15). The soma-juice is immortal 
(amartyah)* and the gods became immortal after drinking it 
(RV. IX. 106. 8). In fact so much is the estimation of this 
soma-juice that it is often 3 called amrta, the nectar of im- 
mortality. 

Time and again, we also hear in the RV. of certain seers 
desiring to reach the highest station of Visnii and experience 
the delights available there (RV. I. 154. 5, 6). 

So far those eligible for immortality were enumerated. 
What actually the Vedic seers understood by immortality will 
have to be considered hereafter. It is an obvious fact that the 
word most used to convey this meaning is amrta. This word oc- 
curs slightly over two hundred and twenty times in the Rgveda 
in its numerous declensional variations. In the majority of 
cases, the word is taken by Sayana to mean * that which is not 
mortal f (amaranas'tta, maranadharmarahita, maranarahita) . 
The other senses in which it is understood by him are ' god ' 
(deva), ' liberation ' (moksa, sayujya), continuity of the race 
(santatyaviccheda) , heaven (svarga), the soma-drink called 
also divine drink (devapana), nectar (plyiisa, pay as) or herbal 
juice (sudha), water (udaka),iood (anna), ghee (ghrta), oblation 
(havis), sun (surya), fruit of deeds (karmaphala) , freedom from 
fatigue (dlasyardhitya) , imperishability, eternality (avind&itva, 
nityatva). Roth and Bohtlingk 4 give the following meanings 

1 RV. i. 84. 4. 

2 RV. IX. 3. 1. 

3 RV. VIII. 44. 16 r 23 ; G. Dumzil in his Le Festin d' Immortalite holds 
that the myth narrating the winning of the drink of immortality is Indo- 
European. Geldner (Festgruss an Roth, p. 192) maintains that in two hymns 
of the RV. (I. 163 ; V. 2. 3) there is a clear reference to this story. For a 
refutation oi, these views, see Keith, op. cit. t II. 623 ff. 

4 Sanskrit Worterbuch, I. 378 f. 



CHAPTER III 71 

to the word (i) nicht gdstorben (not dead) ; tinsterblich (im- 
mortal) ; ein unsterbliches, gottdhnliches Wesen (an immortal, 
godlike existence) ; unvergdnglich (imperishable), (ii) ein 
berauschendes Getrdnk (an intoxicating drink), (iii) das 
Unsterbliche, die Gesammtheit der Unsterblichen (the immor- 
tal, the whole group of immortals). Grassmann, 1 Benfey, 2 and 
Geldner 3 give almost the same meanings. 

From the foregoing discussion, it is obvious that the state 
of immortality' was, for the Vedic Indian, no more than a 
continued existence after death in the company of the gods, 
enjoying in full all their privileges. 4 It was a sort of apotheosis 
which meant to the individual a transfer of existence from 
earth to higher realms, and a transformation from mortality 
to divinity. In this state, he exercised influence over those 
whom he left behind, receiving worship from them godlike 
and conferring benefits on the devoted among them in a similar 
capacity. This is what is meant when the Rbhus and others 
of their category are often said to have become gods by their 
skilful deeds (devdso abhavatd sukrtyd).'* The idea also occurs 
that immortality is attained if the line of succession is unbroken 
(RV. V. 4. 10 ; VIII. 31. 9), but such cases are few and far 
between ; and, if soma, 6 ghee, or oblation was called amrta, it 
is because the offering of these in sacrifices was responsible 
for attainment of the state of divinity. 

1 Worterbuch zum Rtgveda, p. 94 f . 

a Sanskrit-English Dictionary, p. 45. 

'* Der Rigveda in Auswahl (Glossar), p. 14. 

4 cf. Geldner (Ibid.) who takes immortality (amrtatva) to mean eithei 
immortality (unsterblichkeit) or godliness (Gottlichkeii). 

5 RV. IV. 35. 8: cf. also RV. III. 60. 3 ; IV. 33. 4 ; 36. 4 and so on. 

f? Drinking of soma is sometimes said to bring immortality. (RV. VIII 
48. 3). The reference in such cases must be to the invigorating effect of the 
juice which incites and assists further sustained activity ; cf. RV. I. 62. 1C 
wKere the word amrtah is rendered by Sayana to mean hlasyarahitah. 



72 ATMAN 

As regards the destination of these immortals, there are 
also some indications in the Rgveda. Man is said to become 
immortal by the solar ray (upams'una sam amrtatvam anat). 1 
In another context, Siirya is asked to ascend the chariot which 
is bound for the world of immortals (RV. X. 85. 20). Passages 
like these show that immortality has some special connection 
with the solar phenomena ; but the belief also seems to exist 
that it is in the solar world that the immortals take up their 
residence. All immortals are thus said to hang on Savitr as 
on the axle-end of a chariot (RV. I. 35. 6). Visnu, a solar 
divinity, keeps the loftiest station, upholding dear immortal 
places (RV. III. 55. 10), and the wise seers always look 
forward with fond hopes to reach these dear abodes (tad visnoh 
paramam padam sadd pasyanti siiray&li)? 



CHAPTER IV 

THE VEDIC DOCTRINE OF THE 
WORLDS ABOVE 

IN the previous chapter, an attempt was made to elucidate 
the destiny of the soul after death, and it has been shown that 
the souls of the virtuous people pass over to the region of 
Heaven, and there continue the same enjoyment which they 
had on earth in a more idealised form. This necessarily 
leads on to a consideration of the different, worlds beyond this 
earth to which the virtuous souls ascend after death, and in 
which the gods move. 

Of the heavenly world of Yama to which repair the 
virtuous souls, according to the Vedic poets, after their death, 
there is a clear mention made in the funeral hymns of the 
Sarfahitas ; but a study of the cosmological speculations of 
these people reveals that a belief in a plurality of heavens was 
also current among them. It was usual in this period to 
divide the Universe into Earth, Air or Atmosphere, and 
Heaven. Each of these spheres was called by several names 
in accordance with the angle with which it was viewed by the 
poet. Thus, when he thought of the Earth as a ' broad 
place', he called it urm or prthivl, apara when he conceived 
it as * boundless ', and bhumih when as the ' place from which 
all things spring '. Earth is also very often denominated the 



74 ATMAN 

'great' (mahl), the 'extended' (uttana), or simply 'this' 
(idam), contrasted with the upper sphere which is distant. 
Heaven is likewise designated the ' shining light ' (div, rocana, 
rocanam divah), the 'woven web of light ' (vyoman), 1 the 'height ' 
(sanu, prstha, vistap), the 'place situated afar' (paravat)* 
the 4 roof of the world supported on high ' * and the ' firma- 
ment above the sky ' (diva naka) in which the stars are fixed '. 
It is Hertel's 3 claim that, in India as well as in Iran, heaven 
was conceived ' as a great stone building, filled with light, 
through whose doors, the sun and the stars, the light of heaven 
shines upon men '. In the course of an elaborate examination 
of this view, Keith 4 points out that the evidence called in 
in support of the contention is not accurate. The Vedic Seer 
often thought of Heaven and Earth together, and the couple 
was then denominated by such terms as dyavaprthivl, rodasl f 
and ksoni. Rajas is the name by which the atmospheric region 
was commonly known. 

Many of these terms are also used in the generic sense of 
world. The term Rajas is often used 5 as a general name for 
all the three spheres. On such occasions, heaven is called trtlya 



l .cf. RV. III. 54. 9 where the gods are described as standing on the 
spacious far-extended path-way (urau pat hi vyute) and singing praises. 

2 X. 149. 1 ; IV. 56. 3. ; II. 15. 2 ; VI. 47. 4 ; though a definite expression 
conveying this meaning is not found in these passages, they prove in plain 
terms that heaven was conceived by the Vedic bard as the roof of the world 
supported on high without beams (ftvams'a, askambhana). 

3 Die Htmmelstore itn Veda und im Avesta, cited by Keith, Religion 
and Philosophy of the Veda, II. 621. 

4 Op. cit.. p. 621 f. 

5 The term prthivi also finds a similar use, and in such contexts (RV. I. 108. 
9, 10). the atmospheric region is called middle (madhyama) and heaven by the 
name highest (parama), while earth is called lowest (avama). Zimmer 
(Altindisches Leben, p. 357) thinks it necessary to accept the existence of a 
rajas beneath the earth to account for the course at night, but Wallis (Cosmo- 
logy of the Rigveda, p. 115 f .) rightly points out that, in the Vedic passages 
containing the word rajas , the reference is always to a region situated above 
the earth. 



CHAPTER IV 75 

(RV. IX. 74. 6 ; X. 45. 3 ; 123. 8), uttama (RV. IX. 22. 5), or 
paratna (RV. III. 30. 2) as contrasted with the earth which is 
then called upara (RV. I. 62. 5) or parthiva (RV. I. 154. 1 ; 
IV. 53. 3). The different spheres are all mentioned together as 
the three earths, the three heavens and the three atmospheres, 
and the matter is made all the more complex when occasionally 
addition is made in the singular of one member of the trio, 
when the three have already been mentioned. 1 What is more, 
the dual division of heaven and earth is sometimes combined 
with the threefold division, and six regions are thus enumerated 
(salima rajdmsi).^ Such manipulations of numbers might have 
originally been mere freaks of language, 3 but, as we shall 
presently see, they later resulted in an actual subdivision of 
each of these regions. 

The vault (naka) 4 is often added after the triad (RV. I. 
34. 8), and a region higher than the usual three is thus posited ; 
but a verse in the Atharvaveda (IV. 14. 3) seems to speak of a 
still higher region when it mentions this sphere before the 
realm of celestial light (svar, jyotis). In one verse of ihe 
Rgveda (IX. 96. 19), Soma is said to enter the atmospheric 
region, and then travel further to the fourth sphere (tun- 
yam dhama) : 



1 For instance, RV. VII. 33. 7 ; cf. Walhs. op. ctt., p. 114, 

2 RV. I. 164. 6 ; cf. RV. VII. 87. 5 where three heavens (tisrah 

and three earths (tisrah bhumlh] are mentioned together. *" 

H Wallis, loc. cit. 

4 Words likesfttftt (I. 54. 4), vistap (I. 46. 3) t prstha (I. 115. 3), nakasya 
prtfha (I. 125. 5), divasprsfha (III. 2. 12), nakasya sanu (VIII. 103. 12), 
trtiye prsfhe (IX. 86. 27) 'which occur frequently in the Rgveda denote the 
same region. 



76 ATMAN 

According to Sayana, this * fourth sphere ' is the realm 
of the Moon } which is situated above the solar region (sa 
somah turiyam caturtham dhama candramasam sthanam vivakti 
sevate ; siiryalokasyopari candramaso loko vidyate) . 

Quite frequently three worlds are marked as distinct from 
the usual three regions, by such expressions as tisro divah, 
trini rocana, and trin dyiin ; tisro divah are distinguished from 
tisrah prthivlh, and trini rocand and trin dyiln from tisro 
bhiimlh : * 

aftm 



snft 

TRT q^qaj^ ^ ^ $if f|Vqq' g* 

"""" *" 



n 



Varuna's rays are once (RV. VIII. 41. 9) described to pervade 
not only the three earths (tisrah bhtimlh), but to go beyond as 
well and fill up the three superior realms of heaven (trir 
utt&rani pap rat uh). 

1 Geldner (Der Rigveda in Ausivahl, II. 143) reiterates this view, and so 
does Ludwig (Der Rigveda, V. 388), though in a hesitant fashion Oldenberg 
does not explain the phrase turiyam dhama. 

2 RV. IV 53. 5 ; V 69 1 ; VII 87 5 ; I 102 8 , II. 27. 8. 



CHAPTER IV 77 

The Rgveda also mentions ' three shining worlds' (trlni 
rocand) and * three distant heavens ' (tisrah paravatah divah) 
which, from the special attributes used in describing them,. 
mean something other than the usual triad of Earth, Air and 
Heaven : l 

Besides these passages, it is also possible to find in the 
Samhitas distinct references to a three-fold division of the 
heavenly region (divah) ; the highest heaven is called uttama? 
the middle goes by the name of madhyama 3 or uttara* and 
the lowest is called either avama* or parya* The AV., 
(XVIII. 2. 48) which divides heaven into avama, madhyama 
and trtiya, says that the first is rich in water (udanvati), the 
second in stars 7 (pllttmatl), and the third (pradyauty is the 
place where the fathers sit (yasydm pitara asate). 

But a verse of the Rgveda (I. 35. 6) dedicated to Samtr 
has a varied account to give of these three heavens : 



1 RV. V 81 4; VIII. 5. 8 
2 RV. V 60, 6 



4 RV. IV. 26. 6. 

5 RV. V. 60. 6. 

6 RV. VI. 40.5; the AV. (V. 4. 3) seems to call this trtiya ; cf. Mac- 
donell and Keith, Vedic Index of Names and Subjects, I. 361 n. 

7 The translation here is based on Sayana's commentary which explains 
the word thus : paldyanti'ti pilavah, grahanaksatradayah ; te yasyam 
santiti pltumatt. Griffith understands the word to mean ' blossoming with 
the 'Pilu tree ' (Hymns of the Atharuaveda, II. 233n.). Macdonell and Keith 
(of>. cit., p. 361) prefer to leave the word untranslated; Whitney calls the 
commentator's meaning noted above ' a worthless etymological guess', but still 
finds it necessary to incorporate the meaning in his translation of the entire 
verse. He also mentions that one of his MSS. reads pltumati which though 
obviously wrong, could be emended as pitumatl (rich in food) [Atharvaveda 
Samhita. Translated by W. D. Whitney, pp. 842 ff.] . Roth and Bohtlingk 
(Sanskrit Worterbuch, IV. 748) leave the word untranslated, but say that it 
denotes the middle sky (der tnittlere Himmel). 



78 ATMAN 

We rfead here that, of the three heavens, two belong to 
Savitr and one to Yama, and that all immortal things rest on 
Savitr as on the axle-end of a car. Madhava l and Sayana 2 
interpret the three worlds mentioned here to mean the group 
of Earth, Air and Heaven, and hold that the first and last 
belong to Savitr, and that the second region belongs to Yama. 
Venkatamadhava 3 understands the 'three worlds' here to 
mean the ' three heavens ' which stand supported by Agni and 
Savitr, and that all immortals are supported by the latter, for 
he grants immortality. Skandasvamin 4 mentions both these 
meanings as alternatives. Macdonell 5 says that, of the three 
worlds, Savitr occupies Air and Earth, and that the third 
world which is the highest heaven, is the abode of Yama in 
which dwell the pitarah (men after death). All these ex- 
planations proceed from a quaint understanding of the passage 
and are in the highest degree fanciful. Seeing that the term 
dyauh is used most frequently in the Veda to denote a region 
distinct from the usual trio, it is unnecessary to take the word 
dyavah in this verse in the generic sense of ' a region '. What 
is to be understood here 6 is the existence of " three heavens " 
besides Earth and Atmosphere, two of which belong to Savitr 
and are the station of immortals, while the third which is the 
abode of Yama, serves as the residence of ordinary mortals who 
after death become the Manes. Also, the heavens belonging to 

1 Rgvedavyttkhya Madhavakrta, Ed. by C. Kunhan Raja, p. 270. 

* cf . Geldner (Der Rigveda, I. 38n.) who understands this earth and the 
visible and invisible portions of the sky by the three heavens mentioned here 
(Die drei Himmel sind hier Erde, der sichtbare und derjenseitige, unsicht- 
bare Himmel). 

3 C. Kunhan Raja, op. cit., p. 271. 

4 Rgvedabhaya t Edited by C. Kunhan Raja, p. 133. 
6 Vedic Reader, p. 16. 

6 cf J. Ehni, Der Vedische Mythus des Vama t p. 115. 



CHAPTER IV 79 

Savitr should be accepted to be situated on a higher plane than 
the one of which Yama is the lord. When Macdonell said that 
the world of Yama is the highest, and that the two worlds of 
Savitr are situated at a lower level, he was perhaps influenced 
by the Atharvavedic verse (XVIII. 2. 48) noticed already; 
but this conception is entirely opposed to Rgvedic tradition. 1 

For a ratification of these observations as well as for 
obtaining a full knowledge of the distinctive features of the 
three heavens, it is necessary to make a careful study of the 
eschatological conceptions in the Samhita period. 

Mundane pleasure had all its charms for the Vedic poet, 2 
and death had no terrors for him. He believed, as did 
Socrates long after, that it is not death but dying that 
is terrible. To the pessimistic Socrates death was attractive 
because it marked the cessation q mundane misery ; 3 but 
the optimistic Vedic Indian did not fight shy of death for 
a different reason. Death held out to him a prospect of 
greater happiness. It brought out not a cessation of his 
existence, but a prolongation of his old life lived under better 
conditions. The abode of Yama which the virtuous man 
reached after death is no strange place. It is his own home, 
discovered for him by his ancestors and ruled by one of them 
(RV. X. 14. 1,2; 16. 9). H%was not severed from intercourse 
with those whom he left behind on earth, 4 for he was, in a 
measure, dependant on the offerings of his descendants. Nor 

1 That there is frequently a difference between the traditions of the RV. 
and the AV. is a well-known fact. For some instances, see infra. 

2 For details, see supra, pp. 54 ff. 

3 cf . the Poet-Philosopher Heine who wrote : 

" Suss ist der Schlaf, der Tod-ist besser, 
Am Besten war* es, nie geboren sein." 

4 In several of the passages of the AV. (XII. 3. 17 ; VI. 120. 3 ; IX> 5. 27) 
an expectation is expressed that there will be a continuation of family relations 
maintained even in the next world (Muir, Original Sanskrit Texts, V. 305 f). 



80 ATMAN 

did he suffer for want of those pleasures which were available 

to him on earth. He had all these in a greater measure, so 

much so that it is possible to call the Vedic Heaven * a 

glorified world of material joys V The Heaven in which the 

dead man thus passes a life of enjoyment may be identified 

with the Lunar World of later times. The idea that the Manes 

live here seems to be quite familiar to these Vedic Seers, 

though it is still in its beginnings and not yet fully developed 

as in the Upanisads and the Bhagavadgtta. Soma is described 

to be in very close connection with the Manes. He is said 

to be united with them (RV. VIII. 48. 13) or accompanied by 

them (AV. XVIII. 4. 12). Soma stimulated the fathers to 

deeds (RV. IX. 96. 11), and through his help they found 

the light and the cows (RV. IX. 97. 39). The fact is no 

doubt true that Soma is a regular name of the Moon 

only in Post- Vedic Literature, and that in the Veda it 

generally signifies the plant or more frequently the juice ; 

but it has to be conceded that there are certain passages * 

in the Rgveda which would give an absurd meaning if the 

word Soma occurring in them is taken in either of these 

latter senses. Chief among such are those (RV. X. 85) 

which describe the wedding of Soma with Surya, the daughter 

of the Sun. Soma is here described as placed in the lap of 

the stars (naksatranam esam upasthe soma ahitah)* It is 

also stated here (RV. X. 85. 3) that albeit the fancy of the 

drinker of the juice of the Soma-plant that he has drunk 

soma, no one really tastes of him whom the priests know tc 

! Macckmell, Vedic Mythology , p. 168. 

2 It must be of interest to note in this context that Hillebrandt contend: 
that, in the whole of the ninth M^ndala, Soma is the Moon, and no where th< 
ordinary plant. (Vedische Mythologie, p. 309, 326;. 

f RV. X. 85. 2. 



CHAPTER IV 81 

be Soma (Somath yam brahmano vidur na tasyasmati has' 
cana). Besides these passages where soma cannot mean the 
juice or the plant, there are some which speak of the con- 
nection of the daughter of the Sun with Soma ; the former 
is thus said to purify the distilled soma (RV. IX. 1. 6) and 
to have brought it after it had been expanded by rain (RV. 
IX. 113. 3). The connection between Suryil and Soma men- 
tioned in these passages becomes clear only if Soma is here 
understood to mean the Moon who, as a luminary even like 
the Sun, can reasonably be regarded as his son-in-law. Yet 
another passage (RV. X. 123. 8) describes Soma as the drop 
(drapsa) which goes to the Ocean, looking with the eye of 
a vulture ; and here also the allusion must be only to the 
Moon. The Atharvaveda which is generally reputed for con- 
ceptions more advanced than the Rgveda, holds its own even 
on the present occasion. It declares in clear terms the iden- 
tity of Soma with the Moon when it says (AV. XL 6. 7) " May 
the god Soma free me, he whom they call the Moon " (somo 
ma devo muncatu yam ahusr candramd iti). It is thus dear 
that Soma meant also the Moon to the Vedic Seers, and that 
these people believed in a close association of Soma with 
the Manes. 

The Manes are not all of the same kind. There are dis- 
tinctions made among them (RV. X. 15. 1) into those that 
are lower (avara), those that are higher (para), and those 
that are middle (madhyama) ; of these, it is only those that 
belong to the last variety who are expressly spoken of as soma- 
loving (madhyamah pitarah somyasah),- and it can hence be 
inferred that it is these alone that are intimately connected 
with the Moon. The lower (avara) variety of the Manes 
might be composed of the ordinary virtuous dead who go to 
Yama's Heaven to revel in his company. Soma is intimately 
6 



82 ATMAN 

connected even with Yama. 1 The latter, we are told, sits 
under a tree in Heaven and drinks soma in the company of the 
gods (RV. X. 135. 1). Varuna who is the companion of Yama 
in his merriment in this world, is often identified with Soma 
(RV. IX. 77. 5 ; 95. 4), so that the dead man who is promised 
that he would meet the two kings, Yama and Varuna, (RV. X. 
14. 7) can be considered to meet Soma also. If so, we have 
here the beginnings of the Upanisadic theory that people of 
ordinary merit like sacrificers and philanthropists, reach the 
Lunar World after their death. The theory that these people 
enjoy there might also have been suggested by the Vedic 
belief that the dead man finds Yama in his Heaven engaged 
in an ever-lasting bout with the gods, and that he is also 
welcome to the party. 2 

But the higher class (para) of Manes were justly honoured 
with a higher award. To this class belong the Rbhus, the 
Maruts, the Angirases, the Virupas, the Navagvas, the Das'ag- 
vas, the Atharvans, the Bhrgus, and the Kus'ikas. All 
these are people who distinguished themselves by exhibition 
of special merit, and as a reward they became immortal 
and were treated even like gods. Not only do we hear 
often that the Manes are in close relation with the Sun, 
but also immortality is found in the Veda to have a sort of 
special connection with the Solar gods. Thus on the far path 
to the world of the Manes, Pusan is the protector and Savitr 
the usherer of the dead (pusa tva patu prapathe purastdt . . . 
tatra tva devah savita dadhatu)? The Manes are united with 
or guard the Sun (RV. X. 107. 2 ; 154. 5) or are connected 

1 cf. Hillebrandt (op. cit. % I. J94 ff.) according to whom Yama is the Moon, 
in which dying is typical, and "thus the mortal child of the Sun and closely 
connected with the Manes. 

2 For an elaboration of this theme, see supra, pp. 61 ff. 

3 RV. X. 17. 4. 



CHAPTER IV 83 

with the rays of the Sun (RV. I. 109. 7) \ and Suns shine for 
them in Heaven (RV. I. 125. 6). In another passage 
(RV. IX. 113. 9) we are even told clearly that the abode of 
the fathers is the highest point of the Sun (loka yatra jyotis- 
mantah tatra mam amrtam krdhi). Varuna is the wise 
guardian of immortality (dhiram amrtasya gopam), 2 and on 
Savitr all immortal things rest as on the axle-end of a car 
(RV. I. 35. 6). Surya is in one passage (RV. X. 85. 20) 
asked to ascend the chariot bound for the world of immortals, 
and, in another context, it is clearly stated that man becomes 
immortal by the solar ray (upfchs'una sam amrtatvam anat)? 
As in the case of the close relation of Soma with the Manes 
which might be the beginning of the identification of ,the 
pitrloka with the Moon, the intimate relation of immortality 
with the Sun may be the starting point for the later doctrine 
of Immortality being identified with dissolution in the Sun. 

From this world which is the abode of immortals like 
the Rbhus, must be distinguished the abode of Visnu, an- 
other solar god 4 in the Vedic pantheon. This is a god whose 
status in the Rgveda is much debated. The general view * 
has been that Visnu presents the unique spectacle of a god 
who, from a very inferior position in the Vedic period, rises 
later in the Puranic period, to the dignity of the Supreme 

1 cf. Bloomfield, /. A. O. S., XVI. 27. 

2 RV. VIII. 42. 2. 

3 RV. IV. 58. 1. 

4 Oldenberg's view that Visnu is only a space-god (welt all 'durchsch- 
reitende Gott) is untenable, for the idea that he is the solar home of souls is too 
clearly connected with him to be brushed aside as of no account (cf . Hopkins, 
J. A. O. S., XVI, cxlvii if.). 

5 Oldenberg, Die Religion des Veda, p. 227; Muir, op. cit., IV. 98; 
Barth, Religions of India, p. 164 ; Bhandarkar, Vai^navism, Sfaivism and 
Minor Religious Systems, p. 33 f ; Macdonell* Vedic Mythology, p. 37; 
Vedic Reader, p. 30 ; Griffith, Rigveda, I. 27 n. For other views of the same 
nature, see Dandekar, Vi$nu in the Veda in Festschrift Prof. P. V. Kane, 
pp: 95 ff. 



84 ATMAN 

Spirit. Several reasons are adduced to prove that the position 
of Visnu in the Rgvedic age is quite insignificant. Not more 
than five whole hymns and a few more stray verses are 
addressed here to this god, so that, judged by the statistical 
standard, he will have to be counted as a deity of the fourth 
rank. Besides, in most passages, he is lauded along with a 
host of other divinities, and many of the attributes given to 
him are those which he shares in common with many of 
them. 1 Visnu is even stated to have sung the praise of Indra 
(RV. VIII. 15. 9), and to derive his power from that god 
(RV. VIII. 12. 27). From these considerations it should 
follow that Visnu is no prominent god at all in the RV., and 
that he is not only on a footing of equality with other gods, but 
is often seen to be subordinate even. to some of them.* 

It is true that the hymns in which Visnu is celebrated 
in the Rgveda are extremely small in number compared with 
those used in edifying Indra or Varuna ; but to deny on this 
score to Visnu the position of a great god in the Veda would 
only be to forget that, in a sacrificial collection like the 
Rgveda that is handed down to us, the comparative promi- 
nence of the numerous gods in the Vedic pantheon is not 
necessarily brought out to the fullest extent. 3 It is not true 
even to say that Visnu might have been quite popular among 
the masses, while the priestly classes, with its love for sacri- 
fices did not think much of him. 4 That would be to think 

1 For instance, like Vinu, Indra takes strides, spreads out the spaces and 
creates the wide air (RV. VI. 69. 5 ; VII. 99. 6). Along with Mitra, Varuna, 
and the Maruts, Vi$nu sings the praises of Indra (RV. VIII. 15. 9). 

9 Weber stresses this by pointing out that Visnu owes almost all his famous 
qualities to Indra (Indische Streifen, II. 226 ff., cited by Muir, op. cit, p. 298). 

3 cf. Keith, Religion and Philosophy of the Veda, I. 109 ff. 

4 Barth,, Religions of Jndia. p. 166 ; In a very interesting study of Visjpu 
in the Veda published recently, R. N. Dandekar challenges both the views that 
this god is not prominent iq the Rgveda and that he is un-Aryaa in origin, and 
maintains that he must have been supreme in the popular religion of the 



CHAPTER IV 85 

that when the seer praised Visnu he did so with the utmost 
reluctance. This, however, cannot be, for the seer is seen to 
extol Visnu's unique feat of taking the * three strides' with as 
much gusto as the feat of any other prominent god of the 
Veda. No one who reads the hymns in praise of Visnu can 
afford to the feel that this god * occupied a somewhat sub- 
ordinate place in the estimation and affections of the ancient 
rsis '. l Of the three steps of Visnu, two, we are told, are visible 
to the naked eye, but the third and highest is beyond mortal 
ken. It is accessible to none, not even to the winged birds 
in their flight. "(RV. I. 155. 5 ; VII. 99. 2). It is the highest 
place (paramam padamY or the highest path (paramam 
pathah),* and is known only to its owner who guards it 
zealously (RV. X. 1. 3). 1 This is a station situated far away 
from this earth (ksayantam asya rajasah parake). :> The same 
is the import of other passages " which describe Visnu as 
living on high (brhan ksayah), as mountain- abiding (giristha) 
or mountain-dwelling (giriksit). It is also a fact that Visnu 
shares many an attribute with the other gods, and that he is 
even described sometimes as subordinate to Indra.' But those 
are all in hymns addressed to Indra. Seeing that in a 

masses, though neglected by the higher class composed of priestly intellectuals 
Festschrift Prof. P. V. Kane, p. 111). That Visnu is not quite important in so 
far as sacrifices are concerned lends some justification to the latter part of the 
statement ; but the former part must remain unsettled till the community to 
which devotees of Visnu like Medhatithi Kanva or Dirghatantas exactly 
belonged is known with certainty 

1 Muir, ofi. cit. t IV. 98 

a RV. I. 22. 20, 21. 

3 RV. III. 55. 10. 

4 cf. RV. III. 55. 10 ; VII. 99. 1. 
6 RV. VII. 100. 5. 

6 RV. VIII. 15.9; I. 154. 2,3. 

' 7 Such descriptions come chiefly from insignificant members of the family 
of Kanva like Parvata, Go$ukti and As'vasiikti. The Kanva family is more- 
over known for its special devotion to Indra. But Visnu is really the highest 
god in the Veda. 



86 ATMAN 

kathenotheistic religion like that of the Rgveda, each god is, 
for the time being, supreme in the mind of the devotee, it is 
not right to pay much attention to attributes given to the 
gods by their worshippers when they are in divine ecstacy. 

The personality of Visnu is far more important in the 
Veda than is ordinarily estimated judging him from these 
criteria. His importance lies in the very fact that he is not a 
sacrificial deity. 1 As Yaska would classify him, he is a god of 
the celestial region (dyusthana) living on the highest plane, 
compared with those gods that live in the atmospheric (anta- 
riksa) or terrestrial (prthivl) regions. While almost all the other 
gods receive sacrificial offerings like havis or soma, this is the 
god who is content with mere prayer (stuti). Like the god of the 
Puritans, he cares for piety rather than sacrifice, for devotion 
rather than offerings. It is thus stated that the group of 
Manes that go to his abode after their death is composed only 
of the pious (devayavah, surayah)* among these Vedic poets. 
Their eye is ever directed towards this highest abode of 
Visnu which is situated like an eye in Heaven (divlva caksur 
dtatam). It is their fond "desire always that they should attain 
to the dear domain of Visnu where are the many-horned 
nimble kine, where men devoted to the gods rejoice, 3 and 
which is a veritable spring of nectar : 

^4 q<? 



1 For details in this connection, see infra. It is of interest to note here 
that deities which are Suktabhaks are not at all prominent in the Rgveda that 
has come down to us. 

2 cf, RV. I. 50. 10 which says that the godly attain to the supreme light of 
the Sun (devatra suryam aganma jyotir'uttamam). Another passage (RV. 
X. 15. 3) where is mentioned the connection between the Manes and the wide- 
s,tep of Vinu, should also be of the same import. 

3 According to RV. VIII. 29. 7, the gods themselves rejoice in this abode 
(yatra devaso madanti). 

4 RV. I. 22. 20 ; 154, 5, 6. 



CHAPTER V 87 



^Tf| 

In the later age of the Epics and Puranas, Visnu occupies 
the high place of one among the trinity, and even forms to his 
sectaries the highest god. But the Puranic Visnu is only a 
logical development of the god of the Vedic period. His 
history is the history of one regular and normal development. 
There are no traces here of breaks and stop-gaps, of sudden 
elevations and recognitions. From the Vedic age down to the 
age of the Eics and Puranas, Visnu is primarily revered for 
being the saviour and asylum of departed souls. 1 

To sum up : the Vedic seers believed in a three-fold 
heaven. The lowest of them which was intimately connected 
with soma or moon and belonged to Yama, formed the des- 
tination of people of ordinary merit like sacrificers and philan- 
thropists. The remaining two heavens were situated in the 
higher region. The realm of Savitr and Surya was the lower 
of these two, and in this were accommodated men like the 
Rbhus and the Maruts whose exceptional merit brought them 
immortality and divinity. The other which is no other than 
the highest heaven of Visnu was accessible only to the seers 
and, even among these seers, only to those who were known 
for their piety and devotion towards the gods. 



1 cf . Bloomfield, Religion of the Veda, p, 170 ; Hopkins, Religions of 
India , p. 458 ; Notes on Dyans, Visnu , Varuna and Rudra (/.A.O.S.. 
XVI; cxlvii ff.) * 



CHAPTER V 

DEVAYANA AND PITRYANA 

IN the previous chapter, an attempt was made to describe 
the worlds above to which the Souls rise after the death of the 
body. This world is the highest of the three worlds, the 
other two being the earth which is the lowest and the 
antariksa which i& the middle region. This highest heaven- 
world again appears to have three different planes and they 
were dealt with in the previous chapter. In the present 
chapter, the same topic, viz., the worlds above, is continued. 
Here two specific terms frequently met with in the Rgveda 
are taken up for consideration in detail. 

The chief text 1 of the doctrine of transmigration runs as 
follows : 



n 



I 



If ft cipqi ^TI^^ ^^ft n 



l Ch> Dp. t V. 4-10; the same occurs in the Br. Up., VI. 2. 9-15 with 
minor variations and in a somewhat briefer form. 



CHAPTER V 8V* 



3T3 



: \ 



3 



3T 5T3 3T 

^3 



II 



<K) XTMAN 



rT qt ^l: faift 



^4 I) 

This admits of two natural divisions 1 , the one part dealing 
with the * Five Fires ' and the other with the * two ways ' ; 
while according to the former theory, sraddha seems to be 
primarily responsible for the Soul's return to earth, it is this 
-alone that, according to the latter, leads to Brahman without 
return ; the former theory appears to assume the absence of 



1 Deussen (Philosophy of the Upanishads, p. 333) makes a chronological 
distinction between these two parts, and would call that teaching the doctrine 
of the ' Five fires ' as the earlier portion, and the other as the later. The 
Nirukta (XIII. 19 ff.) makes a curious jumble of these two parts in the' course 
of its account of the doctrine of Transmigration. 



CHAPTER V 91 

any recompense in the other world for, according to it, the 
Soul, after having journeyed to Heaven, returns almost 
immediately, to a new existence through the five transitory 
stations heaven, atmosphere, earth, father and mother ; but, 
to the latter, while those traversing through the northern path 
of the Sun reach Brahman, not to return to earth again, those 
that go through the southern path go to the Moon, stay there 
till their deeds permit and return to earth by the very way 
through which they went up. 

The ' Doctrine of the two ways ' which is essentially 
based on the conception that, at death, it is only the body 
that is destroyed and that the Soul continues its existence to 
reap the consequences of its deeds, speaks of two ways, 1 the 
way of the Gods (Devayana) and the w r ay of the fathers 
(Pitryana) ; those who know the doctrine of the five fires 
(pancagnividya) or who meditate with faith upon Satya are 
the people who are ^privileged to travel by the former path 
which leads them to the Gods or to the Absolute Brahman ; 
when, at death, their body is burnt on the pyre, the Soul 
enters the flame, then the day, the bright-half of the month, 
the six months when the Sun moves northward, the year, 2 the 
Sun, the Moon, the lightning, and finally, led by a super- 
human person (amanavah purusah), Brahman, never more to 
return to earth ; but those whose merit consists only in the 
performance of philanthropic acts like sacrifice (yajna), bounty 

1 cf. Bhagavadgittt, VIII. 24 ff. where distinctioh is made between 
those that die in the Uttarayana (northward course of the Sun) and those that 
die during Daksinayana (southward course of the Sun) . The story in the 
Mahabharata (XI* 119. 96 ff.) that Bhisma waited till Uttarayana to breathe 
his last is based on the same conviction, 

2 According to the Br. Up., VI. 2. 15, after the Soul passes through the 
six months during the no'rthward course of the Sun, it enters the world of the 
Gods (Devaloka), then the Sun and the lightning fire. A person consisting of 
mind (m&nasah} enters these regions of lightning, and conducts the Soul to the 
Avorld of Brahman where it stays for ever. 



92 ATMAN 

(ddna) and penance (tapas) have to travel, at death, by the 
other path ; their Soul first enters the smoke of the pyre, then 
the night, the dark-half of the month, the six months when 
the Sun moves south-ward, the world of the Fathers (pitrlokd) 
in lieu of the year, the ether, and finally the Moon which is 
the final destination for- these Souls, and not a mere stage of 
transit as in the previous case. Here the departed Souls 
remain for a time enjoying the rewards of their good deeds in- 
company with the pitrs. This enjoyment lasts only as long 
as the store of Karma permits, and after that is exhausted 
they return to earth by the very path through which they 
went up. After regaining the state of smoke, they get the 
form of mist, then cloud, rain, plants, and food. The remain- 
ing stages which finally bring about the rebirth are very 
difficult, for this can happen only when they are eaten as food 
and emitted as seed into the womb ; and the quality of their 
birth also depends on the nature of their conduct in their 
previous existence ; those of good conduct are reborn as a 
brahmin, or a ksatriya or a vais'ya as the degree of the virtue 
allows, and those of stinking conduct are reborn as a dog, or 
a hog, or as an outcast (candala). 1 

We will now see how much of this Upanisadic doctrine 
of the * two ways ' was familiar to the Rgvedic Aryans. The 

1 Ch. Up* t V. 10.7.; the Br Up. t omits to makes this distinction among 
the Souls returning from the Moon. The Kausttaki Upanisad (I. 2 ff.) seems 
to reconcile the two Upaniads when it makes all Souls go first, without excep- 
tion, to the Moon. , There the Souls are judged and according to the result, 
they go either by the Devayana which leads to Brahman without return, or 
take up a new birth ' of a worm, or a fly, or a fish, or a bird, or a lion, or a 
boar, or a serpent, or a tiger, or a man, or something else ; cf. Socrates 
who remarks in the Phaedo that those who on earth have followed after 
gluttony and wantonness and drunkenness, without the least thought of 
avoiding them, would pass after death into asses and animals of that sort, and 
those following injustice, tyranny and violence into wolves, hawks or kites, 
while those practising virtues like temperance and justice pass into some gentle 
and social kind like their own, such as bees or wasps or ants, or back again into 
the form of man (Jowett, Dialogues of Plato, II. 225 ff.) 



CHAPTER V 93 

two words Devayana and Pitryana which are found in the 
Upanisadic text, appear in the Rgveda also. 

The word Devayana occurs thirteen times in all in the 
different cases, Sayana understands the word in two broad 
senses ; either it means the sacrificial offering which is in- 
tended for the gods 1 or which leads the devotee to the gods ; a 
or, the path which leads to the gods, 3 or by which men travel 
to meet the gods, 4 or by which the gods travel to secure the 
offerings of their worshippers. 5 Grassmann understands the 
word only in two senses. His meanings 6 run thus : (1) Zu 
den Gottern seinen Gang nehmend (affording the journey to 
the gods) ; (2) den Gottern zum Gange dienend (serving the 
gods in their journey). But Roth and Bohtlingk understand 
the word exactly in the same way as Sayana when they inter- 
pret 7 the word to mean (1) Zu den. Gottern gehend, strebend ; 
(2) Gottern zum Wandel, Verkehr, Aufenthalt dienend ; so 
heissen namentlich die pfade, auf welchen die himmlischen 
herniedersteigen, opfer zu ihnen gelangen, iiberhaupt der Ver- 
kehr zwischen Himmel und Erde geht ; (3) der zu den Gottern 
fuhrende Weg. 



1 RV. I. 162. 4. 
*RV. X. 181. 3. 

3 RV. VII. 76. 2. 

4 RV. VII. 38. 8. ; X. 51, 2, 5. ; 98. 11. 

5 RV. I. 72. 7 ; 183. 6 ; 184. 6 ; IV. 37. 1 . ; V. 43. 6. ; X. 18. 1. 

6 Worterbuch zum Rigveda, p. 635. ; the following explanatory note is 
added at the end of the second of these meanings : von den Wegen auf denen 
sie vom Himmel herabkommen und zu ihm hinaufsteigen, und die daher 
auch der einzuschlagen hat, der zu ihnen hinauf will. According to this 
note, the second meaning is given about the paths by which they (gods) come 
down from heaven and go up to it, and which therefore he too has to tread who 
desires to go up to it (Heaven). 

'Sanskrit Worterbuch. III. 753. 



94 ITMAN 

The word Pitryana occurs but once in the RV. ; the 
following verse (X. 2. 7) gives the context : 

q r=n SirafsfMt 3 fSfNFr^gT 3 r^t 



1 |nT<$ flfTOI^ ft *rtf| II 

In this verse, Agni who has been engendered by Heaven 
and Earth, by the Waters, by Tvastr, by the glorious Creator, 
and who is cognisant of the path, the road of the pitrs, is 
requested to shine brilliantly on being kindled. Sayana 
translates the word Pitryana which occurs in the third quarter 
of this verse to mean * the path by which the Fathers travel \ 
Grassmann follows Sayana when he also interprets l the word 
to mean * the path by means of which the spirits of ancestors 
move' (von den Geistern der Ahnen betreteri). So do Roth 
and Bohtlingk when they take 2 the word in the sense of * that 
by which the manes travel ' (von den Manen betreten). 

Keith seems to base his conclusion entirely on the evi- 
dence of the three meanings of Devayana mentioned above 
when he remarks 3 that "the Devaydna, originally in the 
Rgveda the path by which the sacrifice of a man was borne 
to the gods or by which they came for it, and by which on 
death he joined the Fathers and the gods in Heaven, is trans- 
formed into the path by which the Soul goes to the gods or 
to the Absolute." But there are evidences in the Rgveda 
itself to show that the seers knew something more about the 
* two paths ' than they are usually considered to know. The 
Devayana is described as ' lustrous ' in the following 
verses : 

l Op.cit. t p. 815. 

2 Op. cit. t IV. 719. ; cf. A. A. Macdonell, Vedio Mythology, p. 171. 

8 Religion and Philosophy of the Veda, p. 575. 



CHAPTER V 95 



II 1 



In the first-half of the first verse, the seer says that he has 
beheld the paths leading to the gods (Devayana), innocuous 
and glorious with light (vasubhir iskrtasah). In the second- 
half of the second verse, Agni is made to ask Mitra and 
Varuna ii there exist any people who have seen his manifold 
forms which serve as the luminous vehicle of the gods (sami- 
dhah devayanih). Ip the second and third quarters of the last 
verse, the fully lustrous Agni is requested to make straight 
the paths traversed by the gods (aramkrtya tamasi ksesy ague 
sugan pathah krnuhi devayanan), thereby suggesting that he 
should illumine those paths which, on account of their daVkness, 
are otherwise hard to cross. ( 

These passages clearly point out that the Rgvedic seers 

were fully conversant with the idea that the Devayana is 



' lustrous '. In the Upanisads we find, as noticed already/ 
that the ' brightness ' of this path is specially emphasized 
in contrast with the other which is always associated with 
darkness. When, therefore, we see that the Rgvedic seers are 
already aware of this conception, the conclusion is obvious 
that this idea is not the creation of the Upanisadic period, but 
was adopted from earlier times. 

1 RV. VII. 76. 2. 
9 RV. X. 51. 2. 

3 RV. X. 51. 5. 

4 Supra, p. 91 f. 



96 ATMAN 

That these seers are familiar also with the Upanisadic 
idea that the Devayana is the path of the immortals, and 
that one who would attain to the world of gods or to im- 
mortality must pass through Agni, become clear on the ex- 
amination of the following passages from the RV. : 

<$f q^HT IFrT 

* srat 



II 8 

In the first verse, 4 deatlr is asked to depart differently through 
a path which is its own (yah te svah) and distinct from the 
path of the gods (itaro devayanat). We see here already the 
Upanisadic idea that mortality has nothing to do with the 
Devayana, and that to traverse by it is to attain immortality. 
In the secoricl verse, Agni is credited with the knowledge of 
the path of the Gods and is requested to place Aulana in 
Heaven among the gods. This is a clear anticipation of the 
Upanisadic conception that the Soul whose merit allows it to 
pass through Devayana, first enters the flame of the pyre 
(agra) on its way to the world of Brahman. Aulana (S'antanu) 

1 RV. x. is. i. 

3 RV. X. 98. 11. 
3 RV. I. 72. 7. 

* According to R.D. Ranade (Constructive Survey of Upanishadic Philo- 
sophy, p. 159 n.). the Devayana which is mentioned in this verse has the same 
sense as in the Upaniads, and the path which is described here as ' different, 
from ' that of the Gods must be only the way of the Fathers i.e. Pitfyaya. ; 
cf. A. A. Macdonell, Vedio Mythology , p. 171. 



CHAPTER V 97 

* 

nay be construed as the typical human being in Rgvedic 
[ndia whose merit entitled him to share Heaven, the world 
:>f thjB- Gods, and who could be enabled to achieve his reward 
3nly through the agency of Agni i.e., after his body was 
cremated at death on the funeral pyre. The .third quarter of 
the last verse is taken by Sayana to mean that Agni is 
conversant with the path of the Gods (Devayana) which lies 
between Heaven , and Earth (dyavaprthivyor madhye janan 
adhvanah margan . . . devaydnan devd yair mdrgair gacchanti 
tan jdnann ityarthah}. If Sayana's interpretation here is 
acceptable, 1 this verse can be taken as an additional evidence 
to show that the Rgvedic seers knew, long before the Upanisadic 
age, that the Devayana leads to the world of Gods i.e. Heaven. 
Thus the two words Devayana and Pitryana denote 
two distinct paths leading to the worlds above. They may 
either be called paths or regions through which Souls of men 
and gods traverse. In this connection we have to consider 
those Rgvedic words which are frequently employed in that 
Sarhhita to denote ' a path ' or * a way '. Six words answer 
to this description, but only three deserve notice at present/ 

1 Griffith understands the word antarvidvan to mean 'deeply skilled', 
unlike Sayana to whom it means ' knowing as existing between (Heaven and 
earth) '. Grassmann (Rigvcda, II 74) supports the former when he takes the 
word to mean kundig (skilled) and translates the whole quarter thus : ' Der 
Wege kundig, die die Gotter wandern ' . Though Sayana's explanation here 
seems to be pedantic, he is supported by RV. X. 88. 15 which expressly declares 
that the paths of the gods and fathers lies between Heaven and Earth. 

2 The three words omitted from consideration here are patha, pada, and 
vayuna ; the first occurs over 150 times m the different cases, and is mostly 
taken by Sayana in the sense of marga (road or way) and sometimes in the 
figurative sense of ' an expedient ', but Grassmann (Worterbuch zum Rigveda, 
p. 767), and Roth and Bohthngk (Sanskrit Worterbuch , IV. 420) understand 
the word always in the sense of Pfade (path) or Weg (way) , the second 
similarly occurs nearly 100 times in the various cases, and generally means 
to go ' (gehen), ' to stride ' or ' stalk ' (schreiten), or ' to tread ' (treten) ; the 
third occurs 34 times in all and is understood in various senses ; in three 
verses at least (RV. II. 34. 4 ; VI. 7. 5 ; VIII 66. 8) the word means a path '. 
But all these occurrences of the three words are of little significance in the 
present context. 

7 



98 ATMAN 

The word Gatu occurs over sixty times in all in the Rgveda 
in the different case-forms, forty-eight times independently and 
nineteen times as part of a compound. Sayana understands 1 
it in a number of senses such as * one who moves ', or 
* movement ' or ' a place which deserves approach ' (gantav- 
ya), or 'path or way' (marga), or 'house' (grha), or 
4 happiness ' (sukhd) or ' Earth ' (bhumi), or ' sacrificial place ' 
(yajfiamarga), or an ' expedient ' (upaya) or ' attainment of 
the fruit ' (phalaprapti) , or ' to sing or to pray ' (stotum), or 
*that which is fit to be sung or known ' (stot avyam jnatavyam 
va). In the sense of ' a path or way ' (Gang, bahn), the word 
occurs seventeen times * and, of these occurrences, the follow- 
ing two verses deserve attention : 



: 



In the first verse, Yama is described as the first to find out a 
way which is not to be taken away. To this place the 
ancestors of old have repaired, and to it alone go those born 
since then, each one along his own way ; in the second verse, 
Angirases, the ancestors, are described as having found out 
the way to Heaven. The value of these two passages con- 
sists in the definite allusion they make to a path which is 

l cf. Roth and Bohtlingk, op. cit., II. 729 ff. ; Grassmann, op. cit., p. 394. 
. >RV. 1.71.2; II. 20.5; 21.5; III. 4.4 ; 31.9 ; IV. 55,4 ; VI 30 3 ; 
VII. 47.4 ; 63.5 ; IX. 85.4 : 96.10, 15 ; 97.18 ; X. 14.2; 49.9 ; 61.25 ; 99.8. ' 
1 RV. X. 14.2. 
4 RV. I. 71.2. 



CHAPTER V 99 

exclusively used by the ancestors (pitarah) on their way to 
Heaven which is no more than the place where all the dead 
meet again after death, 1 in contrast with the Devayana which 
is used by the gods for their transit when they go to their 
devotees to receive worship and offerings, and by which men 
who go to the gods travel. Nor was this path of the ancestors 
discovered by any god for the help of the mortals. Yama or 
Angiras who is considered to be the discoverer of this path, is 
no more than the primeval ancestor of the Rgvedic seers. In 
her dialogue with Yama, Yarn! calls him ' the only mortal ' 
(RV. X. 10. 3). In another place (RV. X. 13.4), Yama is said 
to have chosen death and abandoned his body. He passed to 
the other world, finding out the path for many, 3 to where the 
"ancient fathers passed away (RV, X. 14. 1, 2). As the first and 
the oldest of the dead, Yama could easily be regarded as the 
chief of the dead that followed him. Hence it is perhaps that 
he is frequently 3 denominated * king '. Yama is sometimes enu- 
merated along with gods like Agni, 4 but the fact remains, that, 
in the entire Rgveda, Yama is no where expressly called a god. 
The character of Angirases as the 'ancestors' of the 
Rgvedic seers is still more clearly emphasized. A single 
Angiras being regarded as their ancestor, they are also 
termed ' sons of Angiras (RV. X. 62. 5). They are frequently 
spoken of as ' fathers ' (pitarah) , 5 * our fathers ' (pitaro nah)* 

1 Yama, son of Vivasvat, is thus called ' the assembler of men ' (sanga- 
manatfa janctnam) , for all the dead who are virtuous go to him (RV. X. 14. 1). 



*The AV. (XVIII. 3. 13) is more explicit when it says that Yama is the 
first mortal to die. 

3 RV. X. 14. 2, 4, 7 ; 16. 9 ; IX. 113. 8. 

4 RV. X. 64. 3 ; 92. 11 ; Agni, Yama and Matariyvan are once (RV. I. 
164. 46) mentioned together as the names of the One Being. 

6 RV. X. 62. 2 ; 14. 4. 
RV. I. 71. 2; X. 14. 6. 



tOO ATMAN 

or ' our ancient fathers ' (nah purve pitarah). 1 They are 
once (RV. X. 14. 6) mentioned as ' fathers ' with the Bhrgus 
and the Atharvans, being especially associated with Yama 
(RV. X. 14. 3 ff.). They are said to have thought of the first 
ordinance of sacrifice (RV. X. 67. 2), and as a result of this 
merit are spoken of as having obtained immortality as well as 
the friendship of Indra. It is, therefore, clear that Yama and 
Angirases are no more than the ancestors of the Rgvedic 
seers. 8 When, therefore, we are told that they found a path 
which leads to a place (i.e., the world of Yama) where these 
two, in company with their virtuous descendants, enjoy an 
eternal bout (RV. X. 135. 1), we are not far from the Upanisadic 
conception that the sacrificers and philanthropists who travel) 
at death, by the Pitryana attain the Moon and enjoy there 
The momentariness of this enjoyment must have been em- 
phasized in the Upanisads solely with the purpose of pointing 
out the inferiority of this bliss as compared with that oi 
those who attain Brahman and become immortal. This idee 
is not unfamiliar to the Rgveda which speaks of the Rbhui 
as having attained * divinity ' owing to their special merit 
(RV. IV. 35. 8), and of the Angirases as having attained im 
mortality for a similar reason (RV. X. 67. 2), while Heaver 
is the reward for all those who practise rigorous penance (tapas) 



1 RV. I. 62. 2. 

2 This is further proved by the fact that Yama and Angirases are also takei 
into account in enumerating the ' ancestors ' who strengthened the gods b] 
sacrifices, who derived strength by their aid, and, of whom, some rejoice fr 
the call svaha "and others in svadha, the call by which the Manes are usualb 
invoked (RV. X. 14.3) ; cf . the Siddhanta Kaumudlon Panini, II. 3. 16: nama] 
svasti svaha svadha laihvasadyog&c ca, which by its illustrations, agnay* 
svaha, pitrbhyas svadha, points out that while the gods are to be addressed b' 
Svaha, the" manes are to be addressed by svadha. For a full discussion of th< 
relative rneanings of these two words, as also for the establishment of the vie\ 
that the distinction between the Gods and the Manes was clearly understoo< 
even by the Rgvedic seers, see C. Kunhan Raja, Svaha , Svadha and Svast 
(J.O.R.M.,1. 16 ff). 



CHAPTER V 101 

for heroes who risk their lives in battle (RV, X. 154. 2 ff.), and 
above all for those who bestow liberal sacrificial gifts. 1 If 
in the Upanisadic age, one who would attain immortality was 
required to be well-versed in the pancagnividya or to meditate 
with faith upon Satya, this could be achieved in the Rgvedic 
age by people who did wondrous but beneficent deeds. The 
Rbhus, sons of Sudhanvan and grandsons of a man, are thus 
said to have obtained their divinity by enlivening a dead cow 
(RV. IV. 33. 4), by making the ladle (camasa) four-fold (RV.IV. 
35. 3), and by making their aged parents young (RV. I. 20. 4), 
and the Angirases are said to have attained c immortality ' as a 
reward for having thought out the first ordinance of sacrifice. 
The Maruts are said to have obtained Heaven by their special 
powers (tavasd) [RV. I. 85. 7]. Similarly, if the Vedic seer 
attained the privilege of enjoyment in the Heaven of Yama 
for his austerities, or bravery, or philanthropy, the Upanisadic 
seer obtained the privilege of enjoyment in the Pitrloha (i.e. 
the Moon) for his sacrifices and philanthropy. The Rgvedic 
conception of divinity or immortality and Heaven must have, 
therefore, greatly inspired the Upanisadic Devayana arid the 
Pitryana. 

Rajas occurs nearly one hundred and fifty times in 
the Rgveda, and is understood in a number of senses ; in 
the sense of ' a path ' (marga), the word can be construed in 
five verses * at least, out of which the following, two are impor- 
tant for consideration now : 



1 RV. X. 154. 3 ; I. 125. 5 ; X. 107. 2. 

2 RV. I. 35.2, 9 ; 116. 20 ; II. 31. 2 ; 62,6, 
3 RV. 1.35.2. 



102 ATMAN 



In the first verse, Savitr is described as moving through the 
dark path (krsnena rajasa) and, in the second, that he 
penetrates to Heaven through the dark space. Sayana 
translates the word rajasa by ' region ' (lokena) and Grass- 
mann by 'aerial region' (luftraum), but even then the 
compound should mean something like * path or course ' i.e. 
a region through which the sun traverses. Seeing that Savitr 
is a solar deity, it is quite possible that the seer calls his 
course * dark ' (krsna) because it is beyond man's perception. 
This supposition is all the more strengthened if the frequent 
descriptions of the region of Visnu, another solar deity in the 
IJgveda, are also taken into consideration. Visnu is described 
as living at a long distance from this world (ksayantam asya 
r&jasah parake)* and as he thus shows knowledge of the 
highest region, his greatness cannot be measured by anybody/ 
With this wide-going (urugaya) and wide-striding (urukrama) 
steps, Visnu traverses throughout the terrestrial regions. Two 
of his steps are visible to men, but the third or highest is 
beyond the flight of birds or mortal ken ; 4 it is known only to 
the saviour full of mercy. His highest step is like an eye 
fixed in Heaven, and it shines brightly down ; towards this 
the wise ever look (tad vi$noh paramam padam sad a pasyanti 
surayah).* Here in tfyis dear abode of Visiju, at this spring 
of sweetness, the pious rejoice : 

1 RV. I. 35.9. 

2 RV. VII. 100. 5. 
* RV. VII. 99. 1. 

*RV, I. 155. 5; VII/99.2. 
5 RV. I. 22. 20. 



CHAPTER V 103 



g fl f| SF^ft 
1 



This Heaven of Visnu by entering which the devotees are 
immortal, is also distinguished from the Heaven of Yama 
which is open to any virtuous man. Thus we are told : 



^ aftfl?Rl II * 

The fact that Savitr is associated with immortality is clear 
from the description that he granted .immortality to the 
gods ; 4 and the following verse where the seer wants to go by 
the path of the Sun and attain the place where his span of 
life (ayus) 5 can be extended i.e., where he can be immortal, 
expresses clearly that the Sun also is connected with im- 
mortality : 



It is thus clear that the Rgvedic seers knew of fioo kinds of 
virtuous people those who, by good conduct, attain felicity 
in Yama's Heuven and those who, by superior merit like piety, 
attain the Heaven of the Solar Gods, Vistjw, Savitr, or Surya, 
and become immortal. 

1 RV. I. 154. 5.1 

2 RV. I. 154. 6. 

3 RV. I. 35. 6. 

4 RV. IV. 54. 2. 

5 Sayapa's rendering of the word Ayus into ' food ' (anna) is rather 
fantastic. 

8 RV. I. 113. 16. 



104 AT MAN 

Sruti occurs eight times in all in the different cases ; while 
both Sayana and Grassmann l generally interpret the word to 
mean * a path or way ' (marga~bahn, weg), it is taken by 
them only once (RV. II. 13. 2) in the .sense qf * a stream or 
current ' (apam saranihstrom, stromung). Roth and Boht- 
lingk* understand the word throughout in the former sense ^of 
*a way' (weg), ' road or street' (strasse). Of the seven 
passages 3 in which the word Sruti occurs in this sense, the 
following verse is significant : 



f <ft 






The seer says in this verse that he has heard of two paths, 
one of the gods and the other of the mortals, and that through 
one or the other of these two every creature that exists be- 
tween Heaven and "Earth (i.e., in this world) proceeds on its 
way. Sayana sees in this verse a clear mention of the 
Devayana and Pitryana, the paths by which the dead travel 
to their respective destination as entitled by their merit, and 
which are so elaborately described in the Bhagavadglta 
(VIII. 24 ff.). Griffith 5 takes the two ways to denote ' the 
way to the other world and the way back, regarded as 
distinct ', but his translation of the first line into * I have 
heard of two several pathways, way of the fathers, way of 
gods and mortals ' is not clear. To Deussen, 6 to interpret this 

1 op. dt. t p. 1618. 

*Op.cit. t VII. 1409. 

:J RV. I. 42. 3 ; 46. 11 ; VIII. 91. 1 ; IX. 78. 2 ; VI. 24. 4 ; X. 32. 7 ; 88. 15. 

4 RV. X. 88. 15 = YV. XIX. 47 

5 White Yajurveda, p. 179 n. 

6 Philosophy of the Upanishads, p. 318. But the Satapatha Brtthmana 
itself (XIV. 9. 1. l=Br. Up., VI. 2. 1) interprets the verse in this way. 



CHAPTER V 105 

verse to mean the Devaydna and the Pitrydna of the Upani- 
sads would be only to strain the Samhita text to make it suit 
the Upanisads. According to him, the ' two ways ' meant here 
are those of day and night, and the import of the entire verse 
is that all beings are subject to the laws of day and night. 
Deussen justifies his interpretation on the ground that else- 
where l Agni is spoken of as having a dual character, Sun by 
day and Fire by night. His explanation could be accepted 
if it were certain that the present verse alludes to the 
4 paths ' of Agni. But the allusion here seems to be only 
to the paths which are to be traversed (at death) by the 
whole lot of human beings. 2 Sayana is right when he gives 
this explanation, but he makes a jumble in understanding the 
first line where he seems to assign one path for the manes 
and gods, and another for the mortals (pitrndm ca devdndm ca 
utdpi ca martydndm manusydndm ca dve srutl dvau mdrgau). 
The same is the case with Griffith 3 when he speaks of one 
pathway of the fathers, and the other of gods and mortals. 
It seems possible to avoid all this confusion by taking pitrndm 
as an adjective of Devdndm, and interpreting the first-half of 
the verse to mean " I have heard of two paths, one of (my) 
ancestors, the gods, and the other of mortals ". It must be 
remembered that the seer of this verse is a descendant of the 
Arigirases who, as mentioned already, are said to have attained 
to divinity through their special prowess. Can it not be 
possible that the seer could be thinking here, when he speaks 
of * two paths ', the one achieved by his ancestors who 

1 RV. X. 83. 15. 

2 cf. A. A. Macdonell, op. cit. t p. 171; Hopkins, Religions of India, 
p. 145, n. 4. 

3 Supra ; Muir's explanation of this verse is plausible when he makes 
martyanam the adjective of sruti (Original Sanskrit Texts, I. 434; 
V. 287). 



106 ATMAN 

obtained divinity, and the other that of ordinary mortals of 
inferior merit whose destiny lines in meeting Yama and revel- 
ling in his company ? If so, this verse would be an additional 
evidence to show that two kinds of destiny for the virtuous 
were conceived by the Rgvedic people immortality or divinity 
for those whose achievement is of the front rank, and heavenly 
bliss for the ordinary people whose merit lies only in their 
virtue. If besides this, we take note of the fact that these 
seers also knew that there is a distinction l in the paths 
traversed by the gods and the Manes, that the former is 
lustrous and belongs to the immortals, and that all those 
passing through it must pass through Agni, we are quite 
near the conception of the Devayana and the Pitryana in the 
Upanisads which describe these two paths in all elaborateness 
and in greater detail. 

The important point in the above two sections is the 
degree of contact between the Rgvedic thought and the 
Upanisadic thought as regards the condition of the Soul after 
death. The investigation has generally started on the assump- 
tion that the Rgveda represents more or less the initial stage 
in the history of Indian philosophic thought. But the mention 
of the ancient fore-fathers enjoying with Yama, and of Arigi- 
ras who first discovered the path along which the forefathers 
have travelled, suggest that the Vedic seers were aware of a 
long traditional belief in the efficacy of sacrifices in bringing 
happiness to man's Soul after death. It will not be far wrong 
to presume that, sicje by side with the text of the Veda now 
preserved to us, there must have been current a volume of 

1 cf. the Avestan conception of Cinvato-peretu or Cinvat-peretu (Bridge 
of the Separator) which is said to appear to the righteous to be nine spears' or 
twenty -seven arrows' length across, but as narrow as a razor's edge for the 
godless man, so that he falls into Hell. (Bartholomae, Altiranisches W drier - 
buch, 597, cited by J. H. Moulton, Early Zoroastrianism , p. 165). 



CHAPTER V 107 

thought- about the mystery of man's fate after death. The 
doubts of Naciketas and his eagerness to know about the 
future of man must have occupied the thoughts of many a 
seer before the Upanisadic age. It is true that these thoughts 
are found in an orderly shape in the Upanisads, while only 
vague hints are met with in the Vedic texts. But even these 
vague hints are enough to show that the Upanisadic notions 
about the future of the Soul after death were evolved even in 
the Rgvedic times, though this may not be in the same logical 
way as it is found in the Upanisads. 



CHAPTER VI 

THEISM OF THE RGVEDA 

So far the nature of the individual Soul and Brahman, the 
eternajity of the Soul and its destination after death were 
discussed. The relation between god and man in the Rgvedic 
period forms the subject of this section. 

" In the study of mankind," wrote Max Miiller ! f " . . . 
there is no study more absorbing than that of the Religions of 
the world the study ... of the various languages in which 
man has spoken to his Maker, and of that language in which his 
Maker * at sundry times and in divers manners ' spake to man. 
, . . the great epochs in the world's history are marked, not by 
the foundation or destruction of Empires, by the migrations 
of races, or by French Revolutions. . . . The real history of 
man is the history of religion : the wonderful ways by which the 
different families of the human race advanced towards a truer 
knowledge and a deeper love to God. This is the foundation 
that underlies all profane history : it is the light, the soul, 
and life of history, and without it, all history would indeed 
be profane." 

The religion of the Veda is no exception, and makes 
quite a fascinating and important branch of study* It is the 

1 Chips from a German Workshop, 1868, Vol. I, pp. 20 ff. ; Selected 
Essays, 1881, Vol. II., p. 129. 



CHAPTER VI 109 

earliest deposit of the Aryan Faith, and ' possesses the same 
simplicity and transparency which distinguish the grammar 
of Sanskrit, from Greek, Latin or German grammar. We 
can watch in the Veda ideas and their names growing, which 
in Persia, Greece and Rome we meet with only as full-grown 
or as fast-deca>ing '. 

To the general student of the Veda, its religion would 
appear to consist in nothing more than the worship of numer- 
ous gods who are, for the most part, personifications of the 
powers of Nature. Invocations are addressed to these gods, 
and these are not unoften accompanied by offerings of the 
soma-juice or by the sacrifice of clarified butter. It is thus 
essentially a polytheistic religion where numerous gods are 
worshipped by their respective devotees solely with the 
object of gaining material prosperity. 

Yet, on closer study, it is possible to see that the Vedic 
religion is much more complex than it looks, and that it is 
difficult to describe its nature in precise terms. Thus it is 
that a host of scholars have called it by different names. 
Besides Polytheism, it has been called Animism, Anthropo- 
morphism, Naturalism, Monotheism, Pantheism, Katheno- 
theism or Henotheism. 

The study of the primitive Vedic conception of gods 
and spirits has made Oldenberg remark l that " the funda- 
mental nature of the primary Indian Religion, surviving 
from the very Remotest antiquity and rising to the surface 
of the Vedic times as a more or less ruinous wreckage, is 
essentially that of the savage's religion. All existence was 
considered to he animated with spirits, whose confused masses 
crowd upon each other, buzzing, flocking, swarming along 
with the phantom souls of the dead, and act, each according 
1 H. Oldenberg, Ancient India, pp. 5 ff. 



110 ATM AN 

to its nature, in every occurrence. If a human being fell ill, 
it was a spirit that had taken possession of him and imposed 
upon him his ills. The patient was cured by enticing the 
spirit from him with magic. A spirit was supposed to dwell 
in the flying arrow, and he who shot an arrow performed a 
magic which put the spirit into action. The spirits have 
sometimes human, sometimes animal form. ... As they 
move hither and thither, the spirits may select a domicile, 
abiding or temporary, in some visible object. A feather,. or a 
bone, or a stone at different times holds the spirit ; and anon 
the spirit steals into a human being whom it makes ill, 
or throws into convulsions in which supernatural visions 
come to him and in which this spirit talks through 
faim in confused phrases. The magician knew the art of 
flattering the spirits ; he understood how to bar their passage, 
to terrify them, 'to deceive them, to compel them, to provoke 
them against his enemy. They are washed away with water, 
or consumed by fire ; even the friendly spirits whenever they 
prove themselves intractable, are subjected to the same sort 
of irreverent treatment." 

This conception of spirits forms only an aspect of the 
ancient Vedic religion, but constitutes by no means the basis 
of the whole belief. Like all religions, the religion of the 
Rgveda may have owed its origin to Animism, but it is wrong 
to suppose that it developed no further. There is in the Veda 
a very careful distinction made between the * gods ' and the 
* demons ' ; the former concept was * distilled from the con- 
templation of the gracious and kindly powers of nature', while 
the latter rose from - ' the experience of nature's grim and 
hostile powers.' Not only did the Vedic seers distinguish these 
4 demons ' from their ' gods ', but they had a positive dislike 
towards them. This is amply borne out by the repeated 



CHAPTER VI 111 

allusions in the Veda to the fight between the ' demons * and 
the great gods, wherein the latter are always victorious. It 
is sometimes suggested ! that from the reverence paid to a soul 
there might spring up the worship of a god analogous to the 
worship of nature gods, and that this phenomenon can be 
observed by studying the character of gods like Rudra, Maruts 
or Yama. There is little that is probable in this conjecture, 
while it is much more likely that some priestly families like 
that of the Bhrgus owe their position to the reverence paid to 
the dead. 1 

A good number of human qualities are attributed to most 
of the Vedic gods who are also conceived of very often as 
human in appearance. 3 Agni's tongue and limbs merely 
denote his flames. Some gods like Agni and Brhaspati are 
priests, while Indra and the Maruts represent the warriors 
among them. Tvastr and the Rbhus are the artisans, while 
Ksetrapati, Urvara, Slta and Pusan may represent the agri- 
cultural community. The gods drive through the air in cars 
drawn by horses or some other animals. Their favourite food 
is what is dear also to their worshippers. It consists in milk, 
butter, grain, and the flesh of sheep, goats and cattle, and this 
is conveyed to them through sacrifices. As in the case of 
human beings, several kinds of relationship between the gods 
are spoken of. Gods like Agni, Indra and Varuna are thus 
joined in wedlock with Agnayl, Indrani and VarunanI respec- 
tively. The relationship of parents and children, and of 
brothers and sisters also exists among the gods. The dual- 
divinities Dyava-Prthivlare thus conceived of as the universal 

1 Oldenberg, Religion des Veda, p. 60 ; Von Schroeder, Arische Reli- 
gion, I. 124. 

* Keith, Religion and Philosophy of the Veda, I. 71. 

s A. A. Macdonell, Hymns from the Rtgveda, p. 11 ;- Vedic Reader, 
p. xviii ; Griswold, Religion of the Rigveda, p. 105 ff. 



112 ATM AN 

parents of all the other gods. 1 Usas is the daughter of Dyaus, r 
the sister of Bhaga, the kinswoman of Varuija, 3 and the 
wife of Surya (RV. VII. 75. 5). Night and dawn are sisters 
(RV. I. 124. 8). Agni is the son of Dyaus (RV. IV. 17. 4) and 
the brother of Indra (RV. VI. 59. 2). Mutual helpfulness and 
interchange of services also exists between the gods. Because 
Varuna prepares a path for Surya (RV. I. 24. 8), the latter 
reports to Mitra and Varuna concerning the sinfulness of men 
(RV. VII. 60. 1). Indra and other gods drink soma with the 
tongue of Agni (RV. II. 1. 14), and Indra repays his gratitude 
by winning over Vrtra (RV. VIII. 12. 22) and giving peace 
thereby to all the gods including Agni. These descriptions of 
the Vedic gods do prove the anthropomorphic way in which 
their nature is conceived ; but it is not possible, only on this 
account, to call the whole religion Anthropomorphism, for the 
degree of the exhibition of this is extremely variable, and in 
some cases the active element is constantly present. 4 

The Waters are indeed goddesses, but we also know that 
they are wholesome to drink ; and the Sun is the child of the 

sky only because he rises there. Similarly, in the description 



of Usas as baring her bosom like a beautiful maiden, there is 
only comparison but no identity. Her real nature is obvious 
by such descriptions as that she appears morn after morn, 
dispels darkness (RV. VI. 64. 3) and reveals the path to men 
(RV. VII. 79. 1). 

That these seers worshipped the different elements of 
Nature like fire, wind, water, rain, lightning, Sun and Moon 
shows, similarly, that there is the element of Naturalism in 

RV. I. 106. 3 ; IV. 56. 2 ; VI. 17. 7 ; VII. 53. 1 etc. 

2 RV. I. 124. 5. 

3 RV. I. 123. 5. 

4 Keith, op. cit. t pp. 58 ff. 



CHAPTER VI 113 

the religion of the Vedic people ; but since the Vedic pantheon 
did not consist entirely of these forces of Nature, but included 
many other kinds of divinities besides like Yama, Varuna, 
Visnu, Indra, Brhaspati and Rudra, it would be wrong to call 
the entire religion by this name. 

Having for a long time worshipped\ numerous divinities, 
the Vedic poets should have come to the conclusion that after 
all God is one, and the numerous gods are only names repre- 
senting different phases of the One God* This tendency 
towards Monotheism 1 is found in one verse (RV. I. 164. 46) : 



: n 

where we are told that Agni, Yama, Varuna and Mataris'van 
are but the names of the One God. 

In its further development, this tendency towards Mono- 
theism should have resulted in a pantheistic outlook Which 
makes the highest God identical with the Universe. Gods 
like Hiranyagarbha and Purusa in the Vedic pantheon (RV. 
X. 121. 1 ; 90. 1, 2) answer to this description : 



n 



1 H. H. Wilson (Essays, 11.51) says: " There can be no doubt that the 
fundamental doctrine of the Vedas is monotheism ". The same view is held by 
M. Adolphe Pictet who, in his Les Origines Indo-Europeennes, opines that the 
religion of the undivided Aryans was " monotheism more or less vaguely- 
defined/' (cited by M. Phillips, Teaching of the Vedas, p. 107). 

8 



114 ITMAN 

Both these are synonymous with Prajapati who is the 
most famous of the abstract gods conceived by the Vedic seers 
ih their effort to attain the conception of the unity of the 
Universe. These gods are connected not only with the 
creation but with the entire government of the Universe. 
Prajapati is thus ! the first born, the golden germ (hiranya- 
garbha) " who creates the whole universe, who gives life, 
whose commands the gods obey, whose shadow is death and 
immortality, who is lord of man and beast, of the mountain 
and the sea," and combines in himself the duties of creator, 
ruler and preserver of the Universe. 

Vis'vakarman is another synonym of Prajapati. Two 
hymns * are devoted in the RV. in praise of this divinity who 
appears there as " the creator, who, self-created, is not merely 
the material cause but also the efficient cause of the world." 

Brahmanaspati and Vak are two other divinities which 
should belong to the same class ; the former is the lord of 
prayer whose mighty power to achieve all human aspirations 
cannot be questioned ; the latter, the goddess of speech, has 
been extolled in one well-known hymn (RV. X. 125) as the 
supreme power, as the companion of the gods and the sup- 
porter of the world. 

Vedic pantheism appears, however, in its perfection in 
the conception of Purusa (RV. X. 90) who appears not only as 
the creator of the world, but as something far beyond it. 

It is Max Miiller's view that it is wrong to call Vedic 
religion by any of these names, and that it should properly be 
called Henotheism or Kathenotheism. His own observations 3 
in this respect merit attention : " If, therefore, there must be 

* RV. X, 121. 

* RV. X. 81, 82. 

3 India : What It can Teach Us ?, pp. 1*5 ff. 



CHAPTER VI 115 

a name for the religion of the Rgveda, Polytheism would 
seem at first sight the most appropriate. Polytheism, how- 
ever, has assumed with us a meaning which renders it totally 
inapplicable to the Vedic religion. Our ideas of Polytheism 
being chi ^ly derived from Greece and Rome, we understand 
by it a certain more or less organised system of gods, different 
in* power and rank, and all subordinate to a supreme God, 
Zeus or Jupiter. But the Vedic polytheism differs from the 
Greek and Roman polytheism. ... In the Veda, however, 
the Gods worshipped as supreme by each sect stand still side 
by side. No one is first always and no one is last always. 
Even gods of a decidedly inferior and limited character assume 
occasionally in the eyes of a devoted poet above all other gods. 
It was necessary, therefore, for the purpose of accurate 
reasoning to have a name different from polytheism, to signify 
this worship of single gods, each occupying for the time a 
supreme position ; and I proposed for it the name of ' Katheno- 
theism,' that is a worship of one god after another, or of 
Henotheism, the worship of single gods." 

Sayce, however, does not seem to find any distinction 
between Polytheism and Henotheism. According to him, 
these are but " two phases of the same form of religious faith, 
the two sides as it were of the same prism. It matters little 
whether a multitude of gods are worshipped together or 
whether the worshipper addresses but one of them at the 
time, making him for the moment the supreme and single 
object of his religious reverence." l 

Whitney objected 2 to Max Miiller's view saying that 
* no religion brings its gods into more frequent and varied 

1 Introduction to the Science of Language. II. 296. 

3 Proceedings of the American Oriental Society. October 1881, 
iM-O.S., 1885, Vol. XI, p. Ixxxi). 



116 ATMAN 

juxtaposition and combination,' and that in the attributes which 
in the Veda seem to belong to a sole god, we see only * natural 
exaggeration, committed in the fervour of devotion.' 

In his interesting paper, entitled Henotheism in the 
Rigveda, 1 Hopkins seeks to examine the positions of both 
Max Miiller and Whitney. It is his view that neither Miiller 
nor Whitney is quite right or wrong in what they say on 
this subject. Whitney is right when he points out that 
the Vedic deities are not at all represented * as independent 
of all the rest ', and that the laudation which, to Miiller, 
indicated * Henotheism ' is to be ascribed more * to oriental 
exaggeration rather than ,sober theology ' ; and Miiller is 
unquestionably right in maintaining that there is a world of 
difference between the polytheism of Hellas and such poly- 
theism in the Rgveda as deserves the name henotheism. Yet 
it is difficult to agree entirely with both ; for, though the 
laudations in the Veda are often exaggerations, the same 
cannot be said of all of them, and the absence of a constant regal 
head which Miiller stresses upon is rather a * climatic than a 
theological matter.' The Vedic religion as a whole stands 
much nearer to pure nature worship, having for its causative 
the tremendous natural phenomena as spiritual powers of which 
the Hindu gods were representative. The absence of a 
permanent chief of the Vedic pantheon is explicit, and there 
is no authority to warrant the assumption of a temporary 
belief in any deity as an only deity. The apparent fulsome- 
ness of the laudations is partially, if not wholly, to be explained 
as a matter of taste. A careful examination of the religion of 
the Rgveda shows that there was from the very beginning,, 
permeating the whole collection, a popular chrematheism. 
Several hymns are addressed, not to natural forces, but to 
1 Classical Studies in Honour of Drisler, pp. 75 ff. 



CHAPTER VI 117 

inanimate and material objects. " Prayers are made to the 
mountains ; hymns to the plough and the press-stones; 
arms and weapons are invoked in song. As portions of this 
divine material world, ethereal objects were also felt to 
be divine ; and, as the spiritual power behind material 
rose into prominence, the moving forces and elements, 
whether visible or not, were regarded as personal powers." 
It is the expressed belief of the Rgveda that " there is 
but one spirituality in all the gods, and that everything is one." 
How far back this reaches the philosophical side of growing 
pantheism it is difficult to say. But it is certain that forces 
which originally were thought to be distinct are considered to 
be identical powers under different names. Thus, the Sun- 
* fire, the lightning-fire are considered identical, and both with 
the sacrificial-fire. And, Indra, the spirit behind lightning, is 
identified with the Sun. 

It may thus be supoosed that " polytheism with an 
accompaniment of half-acknowledged chrematheism passed 
first into the belief that several divinities were ultimately and 
essentially but one, which may be described as homotheism. 
. . . Every hymn of the Rgveda seems to have been com- 
posed under the influence of that unification of deities and 
tendency to a quasi-monotheism, which eventually results in 
philosophical pantheism and in the recognition at the same 
time of a personal first cause. And, to distinguish the Vedic 
polytheism from the Hellenic, the former should be called by 
a name like " Pantheistic Polytheism " rather than by the 
somewhat misleading term like Henotheism, for what is novel 
here is that it " represents the fading of pure polytheism and 
the engrafting, upon a polytheistic stock, of a speculative 
homoousian tendency soon to bud out as philosophic 
jpantheism." 



118 ATMAN 

These are the different names given by modern scholars 
to designate the religion of the Rgveda. It is difficult to 
say that any of them is quite right or wrong in the view pro- 
pounded by him. In the RV., it is possible to find the charac- 
teristics of Animism, Naturalism, Polytheism, Monotheism, 
Pantheism, Henotheism, and even Kathenotheism. The Vedic 
people worshipped no single deity ; hymns of praise are ad- 
dressed in the Veda to numerous deities such as fire, wind, 
water, rain and presiding deities of natural phenomena, and to 
gods like Yama, Indra, Varuna, Visnu, and Brhaspati. That 
these Aryans worshipped natural phenomena entitles us to call 
their religion Naturalism, while the fact that they worshipped 
more than one deity should make Polytheism the religion. The 
spirits of deceased ancestors come in for a large share of 
worship, so that Animism should also be a characteristic of 
Vedic religion. It is only the apparent polytheism of the Veda 
that later developed slowly into the Monotheism which later 
expressed itself in such terms as that there is only one God, 
and the numerous gods who are enumerated are mere names and 
but phases of Him. In the hymns themselves it is possible 
to see monistic tendencies tending towards simplification 
of the polytheistic pantheon. 1 Numerous are the hymns in the 
RV. which are panegyrical in character wherein a particular 
divinity is praised with a view to securing its favour. It is 
quite natural that in the course of such laudations, the bounds 
which limit the achievements of one particular divinity are 
transgressed, and qualities and accomplishments which belong 
to other gods are ascribed to the god who forms the theme of 
a particular eulogy. Strict lines of demarcation between. 
the personalities tend thus to be obliterated, and the ' sphere,, 
of one divinity becomes merged in that of others.' In the 

1 H, Oertcl, Oriental Studies in Honour of C. E. Pavry, pp. 333 ff. 



CHAPTER VI 

course of this process the god who is eulogized on a par* 
ticular occasion may either be compared with other divi- 
nites, or even identified with them. Agni is thus said 
to illumine with his brilliant rays heaven and earth like 
Surya (RV. VI. 4. 6). Indra who, through his might, is rich 
in rain like Parjanya, is strengthened by Vatsa's hymns 
(RV. VIII. 6. 1). Agni when being generated is Varuna, 
Mitra when kindled, and Indra for the devotee who serves 
him with gifts (RV. V. 3. 1). It is true that these identifi- 
cations are ' really rhetorical devices rather than the considered 
expression of religious concepts,' but still it should be conceded 
that they prepare the way for those speculations which seek 
unity behind the multiplicity of the gods of the Indian 
pantheon. This is b'ecause there is room for no other deity 
in the mind of the poet when, in his devotional ecstacy, he 
is showering encomia on a particular god. 

This fusion of individual personalities of gods could have 
been arrested if these gods had their own distinct individuality 
and character. But in the transition period from the Samhitas 
to the Brahmanas, a noticeable weakening is seen in the 
individualization of the gods and an increasing vagueness in 
their characterization. With the development of the sacrificial 
cult, " the gods are no longer independent sovereigns who act 
according to their own will and pleasure, but they become 
more and more mere agents whose actions are no longer free 
but determined by the magic of the sacrifice. From being a 
suppliant the priest turns into a magician who through the 
special powers vested in him and through his special knowledge 
directly, by means of the sacrifice, influences the course of 
events. The gods are thus reduced to mere accessories of the 
ritual which absorbs them ; their divine power is weakened 
to such an extent that the gods themselves must resort to the 



120 ATMAN 

sacrifice in ojder to accomplish their desires. Under such 
circumstances, it makes very little difference which particular 
god serves as agent in the performance of a given magic rite ; 
the distinctive functions which limit the spheres of different 
gods fade away and the barriers which keep the divine 
personalities apart from one another are broken down." 

In one speculative hymn, the poet asks (RV. X. 88. 18) 
how many Agnis, how many Suryas and how many Dawns 
there are, and this query is answered in another place (RV. VII. 
58. 2) where it is said that there is but one Agni though 
kindled in many 'places, one Surya extended over everything, 
one Dawn shining over all. If the different Agnis, Suryas 
and Dawns are in reality only the daily manifestations of 
one Agni, one Surya, and one Dawn, it is possible l also to 
conceive similarly that the different gods of the pantheon are 
so many appellations of a single deity. Thus in a well-known 
verse of the RV. (I. 164. 46) we are told that tfce One God 
is called by different names like Agni, Yama and Mataris'van. 

We are frequently told (RV. III. 53. 8 ; VI. 47. 18) 
that many gods like Indra possess the power (may a) to 
assume many shapes, and it is not improbable 2 that this 
conception later led to the identification of numerous gods in 
the Vedic pantheon. Pantheism is only a further development 
of this idea of monotheism, and came into being when the 
seers, no longer content with identification of the several gods, 
conceived of the highest God as identical with the Universe. 
And, when we find that, in devotional ecstacy, each god 
becomes supreme for the moment in the mind of the singer, 
we have also the element of Henotheism or Kathenotheism, 
though later critics of Max Miiller disputed the accuracy of this 

1 H. Ocrtel. Ibid., p. 355. 
2 Ibid. 



VI 

term in describing Vedic religion. The most prudent observ- 
ation in this respect seems, therefore, to say that the Rgvedic 
religion is all these " isms ", and not any one of them taken 
separately and exclusively. 

After this discussion on the name of the Vedic religion, 
there remains for consideration the relation that subsisted 
between god and man in the Vedic period. It has often been 
said that man's conception of divinity depends on the attitude 
he has towards life. This is as much true in the case of the 
Vedic religion as it is with any other religion. The Vedic 
poets were an active, energetic people who took a healthy ]oy 
in the life they lived on earth. They craved for a long life 
for a full hundred years, freedom from diseases, abundance ol 
food and drink, warlike sons and conquest of enemies, and 
this they got from their gods whom they worshipped with all 
sincerity. In this capacity the gods appear not only as 
protectors, but even as friends. It is no doubt true that the 
gods are by nature true, good, generous and ever intent on 
conferring blessings on mortals, but often a sort of reciprocity 
between the personal gods and their devotees is conspicuous 
As Bloomfield l remarks, "... these priest-poets . . . asked 
the favour of the gods not as greedy beggars, bat as joyousl) 
unconscious beneficiaries of divinities whose power to rewarc 
is incidental to their inherent generous nature, and who, there 
fore, present themselves as a brilliant and worthy theme 
of song . . . Men can subsist and prosper only if th( 
gods return in kind. The gods, on the whole are good ; thej 
do not beat down the requests of him that comes with prayei 
and a cup of soma. Reciprocity, frank unconditional recipro 
city, thus becomes an accepted motive : " Give thou to me 
I give to thee, is the formula." 
1 Religion of the Veda, pp. 183 ff. 



122 ATMAN 

Some of the Vedic gods are specially recognized as protec- 
tors, and the most prominent among them is Indra who should 
have been recognized as the national hero of the time. Indra 
is the victorious warrior, mighty eater, great drinker, who' by 
his might shakes gods and men alike. Even Heaven and 
Earth tremble with fear when he strikes Vrtra with his bolt 
(RV. I. 80. 11; II. 11. 9; VI. 17. 9). Though he is thus 
terrible and not tempered, he is yet a jovial and human god 
who cares for his worshippers. He is their compassionate 
helper (RV. I. 84. 19; VIII. 55.13; 69. 1), and their deli- 
verer (RV. VIIL 55. 20) who kills numerous demons like 
Vrtra, Ahi, Bali, Danu, Urana (RV. IV. 19. 8; II. 12. 3, 11 ; 
X. 99. 6) for their relief. He is wroth with the Panis who 
withhold treasures from men and gods. There are many 
benefits which his worshippers share (RV. VIIL 54. 7). He 
bestows on them goods and wealth (RV. II. 19. 4 ; 22. 3 ; 
III. 45. 4 ; VIL 27, 3). Indra is thus the " irresistible warrior 
whose mighty arm wins victory, whose inexhaustible liberality 
bestows the highest goods on mankind, and who delighting 
in the exhilaration of magnificent soma sacrifices, confers 
rich rewards on the hosts of priests officiating in his worship." 

Slightly different seems to be the relation between these 
seers and their God Rudra 1 , and, to a certain certain extent, 
even the Maruts who are really dreaded, unlike Indra who 
after all seems to have " nought of the bear but the skin." 
A host of malevolent traits are attributed to these gods in the 
Veda. Rudra is exremely strong (RV. II. 33. 3 ; I. 43- 1), un- 
assailable (RV. VIL 46. 1) and unsurpassed in might (RV. II. 
33. 10). He is fierce (RV, II. 33. 9, 11 ; X. 126. 5) and des- 
tructive like a terrible beast (RV. II. 33. 11). His beneficence 

1 For a detailed study of this god, see N. Venkataramanayya, Rudra-Siva 
(University of Madras, 1941). 



CHAPTER VI 123- 

is also spoken of some times (RV. I. 114, 3 ; II. 33. 7 ; VI. 49. 
10), but he appears more often as a terror to his worshippers who 
would rather save themselves from him than hope to derive 
any material advantage. Prayers are addressed to Rudra to 
leave his devotees unharmed (RV. II. 33. 1, 6), not in his 
anger, to slay or injure them, their parents, children, men, 
cattle, or horses (RV. I. 114.7,8; II. 33. 1). He is asked 
to divert his bolt elsewhere, but not against his worshippers 
(RV. II. 33. 11, 14), who, however, are to be kept away from his 
cow-slaying, man-slaying missile (RV. II. 33. 1). The Maruts, 
who are considered to be the sons of Rudra (RV. I. 114. 6 ; 
II. 33. 1), are also similarly conceived as fierce (RV. I. 19. 4), 
irascible (RV. VII. 56. 8) and terrible (RV. VII. 58. 2). They 
cast down terrestrial and celestial creatures (RV. I. 64. 3), and 
all creatures are afraid of them (RV. I. 85. 8). They are 
also addressed like their father to avert from their worshippers 
their arrow and the stone which they hurl (RV. I. 172. 2) and 
their cov\ and man-slaying bolt (RV. VII. 56. 17). Rudra 
and Maruts therefore belong to the group of gods whom the 
Vedic poets venerated more out of fear than out of love. 

In the conception of Agni, we have an entirely different 
atmosphere. He is the very close friend of the worshipper 
who is happy to own him even as a guest. Of the g*ods, he 
is the one nearest to man, and if Visnu is the highest, he is 
the lowest (agnir vai devandm avamo visnuh paramah). 1 
The gods, we are told, fashioned him for man (RV. X. 46. 9) 
and placed him among men (RV. VI. 16. 1). He is the one 
god to whom the epithet grhapati is frequently * applied. He 
dwells in every abode (RV, VII. 15. 2), and is consequently 
called domestic (damunas) quite often (RV. I. 168. 4 etc.)' 

1 Aitareya Brahmana, LI. 

3 RV. I. 12 6 ; 36. 5 ; II. 1. 2 ; IV. 9. 4 ; VI. 15. 3. 



124 ATMAN 

He is also the guest (atithi) in every house (RV. X. 91. 2), the 
first guest of settlers (RV. V. 8. 2). Having been thus domesti- 
cated, he is a leader (RV. III. 2. 5) and protector of settlers 
(RV. I. 96. 4). He is even called the nearest kinsmari of 
-man (RV. VII. 15. 1 ; VIII. 49. 10), or a friend (RV. I. 75. 4). 
Agni is often described as a father (RV. VI. 1. 5), as a brother 
(RV. VIII. 43. 16), and even as a son (RV. II. 1. 9) or mother 
(RV. VI. 1. 5) of his worshippers. Agni then belongs to the 
class of gods with whom the poets were at home, and whom 
they worshipped out of mere friendship and love. 

There are also gods like Varuna who appear as judges of 
the morality of men, 1 who appoint spies to watch the conduct 
of men and punish the wrong-doer. Varuna is the lord of 
order (rta) 9 is its guardian (rtasya gopd). He is also called 
rtavdn, ' observer of order.' His wrath is' roused by sin 
which amounts to infringement of his order, and he severely 
punishes (RV. VII. 86. 3, 4) the offender. He is said to bind 
sinners with fetters (pas'a) (RV. I. 24. 15 ; VI. 74. 4 ; 
X. 85. 24). He is also a dispeller, hater and punisher 
of falsehood (RV. I. 152. 1 ; VII. 60. 5 ; 66. 13), and afflicts 
with 'disease those that neglect his worship (RV. I. 122. 9), 
Other gods like Mitra, Savitr, the Adityas and the goddesses 
Aditi and Usas also appear in this capacity as upholders of 
the moral law and as chastisers of the offenders. But none of 
these divinities are devoid of the quality of mercy. Varuna, 
we are thus told^is always gracious to those who have broken 
his laws by thoughtlessness (RV. VII. 89. 5). Gracious to the 
penitent, he unties like a rope and removes sin (RV. II. 28. 5 ; 
V. 85. 7, 8), and spares the suppliant who daily transgresses 
his laws (RV. I. 25, 1). Varuna is therefore a god who is * just 
yet merciful, a judge but yet a father ', and he is only 

1 A separate section has been devoted below to the elaboration of this theme. 



CHAPTER VI 125 

representative of the Vedic gods who appear with him as moral 
governors. Varuna, and those gods belonging to his class are 
those who are respected but not dreaded. The sinner might 
be afraid of them, but, once he is absolved, he is looked upon 
even like a friend by these great gods (RV. VII. 88, 4-6 ; 
I. 25. 18). 

There are a few gods in the Vedic pantheon who continue 
their connection with the Vedic seers even after the latter die. 
Among these, the first consideration should naturally be given 
to Agn\ who, in his capacity as the funeral fire, conducts the 
the dead to the other world, the fathers and the gods 
(RV. X. 16. 1-4; 17.3). According to the Vajasaneyi 
Samhitd (XVIII. 51 if.) Agni, the divine bird is the medium 
through which men go * to the highest place of the sun, to the 
highest heaven, to the world of the righteous, whither the 
ancient, earliest-born seers have gone.' The way to the 
heaven-world is distant, and consequently perhaps dangerous 
also. Pusan is thus said to protect the dead who move that 
way, and Savitr conducts them (RV. X. 17. 4.) The Maruts 
also help in conducting the dead man to the abode of Yama 
(AV. XVIII. 2. 22). The ^connection of Soma with the dead 
man consists in his capacity to heal any injury that bird, beast, 
ant, or serpent may have inflicted on his body (RV. X. 16. 6). 
In the world of Yama, to which the deceased goes, there is 
also Varuna to be found who, along with Yama, gives his 
company to the mortals who reach that world (RV. X. 14. 7). 
The most important of all these gods is Visnu whose highest 
heaven (parama pada) forms the asylum for the pious (suri) 
among the dead (RV. I. 22. 20, 21 ; 154. 5). 



CHAPTER VII 

SOKTABHAJAH AND HAVIRBHA~JAH 



LESS known than the traditional method of classification 
of the Vedic gods into Terrestrial (prthivisthana) , Atmospheric 
(antariksasthana) and Celestial (dyusthand), but nevertheless 
quite important, is the rationale which attempts to group 
them under two heads, those that receive hymn or praise 
(sukta or stuti) and those that receive oblation (havis) or 
son^a ; the former method has been found to be fairly free 
from all " Fallacies of Division " ' and has, as such, met 
with wide approval. Though it is usually associated with 

1 Macdonell (Vedic Mythology, p. 19 ff.) points out that though it is 
possible to classify the gods in several other ways also, none of the methods are 
as satisfactory as Yaska's ; the attempt tq classify the gods according to their 
relative greatness i e., great, small, young and old, is a very doubtful test ; the 
relative age of the mythological conception fails as a satisfactory funda- 
mentum divisionis because it is not possible to say with certainty how many 
gods beside Dyaus belong to the Indo-European period ; and the stage of 
personification represented by the various deities could be a successful basis 
for classification only if it were possible to draw a strict line of demarcation 
between one another. Macdonell hence concludes that the classification open 
to the least objection is that suggested in the RV. itself and followed by its 
oldest commentator, Yaska. But one cannot help observing that even Yaska's 
method is not entirely satisfactory. The mention of gods and goddesses like 
Savitr, Varuna, Yama, Uas and Prthivl in more than one group or in all of 
them, shows beyond doubt that the rationale is not accurate, and that it is open 
to the " Fallacy of Cross Division." Several explanations are offered by Yaska 
and Durga, his commentator, to justify this recurrence, but the explanations do 
not justify the rationale, however much they may convince one of the necessity 
to include the name of a god or a goddess in more than one group. Bloorafield 
(Religion of the Veda, p. 91 ff.) is conscious of this defect in Yaska's method, 
and hence expounds his own of Transparent, Translucent and Opaque gods ; 
but even bis method suffers from being highly subjective in character. 



CHAPTER VII 127 

the name of Yaska, he cannot be regarded as its origin- 
ator, for it it is possible to see that it was known long 
before him and that his task has been only to systematize 
and regulate a method which existed before him. The RV. 
(I. 139. 11) thus speaks of eleven of the gods as living in 
Heaven, but specifies no number of the gods that live in each 
sphere. The etymologists who lived long before Yaska ' 
believed in the existence of only three deities, Agni on Earth, 
Vayu or Indra in the Air, and Surya in Heaven. Each of 
these receives many appellations either on account of his 
super-eminence or according to differences of function, just as 
the same person may act in the capacities of the Hotr, the 
Adhvaryu, the Udgatr and the Brahman. Yaska does not con- 
sider it necessary to hold that the various gods are but different 
forms or manifestations of these three representative deities, 
but allows also the possibility that those forming each of the 
three groups may be allied in sphere (samsthanaikatva) and 
functions (sambhogaikatva) . For the three representative 
deities mentioned before, there are also the respective shares 
and companions ; 2 Agni has thus for his share this world, 
the morning libation^ spring, the gdyatrl metre etc. ; he is 
jointly praised with Indra, Soma, Varuna, Parjanya, and the 
Rtavah, while Indra has for his companions Agni, Soma, 
Varuna, Pusan, Brhaspati, Brahmanaspati, Parvata, Kutsa, 
Vis$u and Vayu. 

The fundamentum divisidnis of the latter method which 
is at present taken up for consideration, cannot claim the 
same merit as the former. What strikes one at the very 

1 Nirukta, VII. 5; they were influenced, perhaps, by passages like RV , 
X. 158. 1 where Surya is requested to protect his devotees from Heaven, 
Vat a from Air, and Agni from the earthly regions ; cf. Macdonell, op. cit. t 
p. 19. 

2 For a description of this in detail, .see Nirukta, VII. 8 ff. 



128 XTMAN 

outset is that Yaska himself has not paid adequate attention ta 
make the division perfect ; ' he seems to be content with 
pointing out that while some Terrestrial gods are offered both 
praise and oblation, some receive only praise ; he mentions 2 
only four of the Atmospherifc gods as belonging to the latter 
category, though on closer examination it is possible to find 
more ; and as regards the Celestial deities, he mentions them 
all in a mess as though they all belong to one class, while it is 
easily seen that though the vast majority of them receive 
praise only, a good many are offered sacrificial food (havis or 
the libation of soma). 

Moreover, there are a good number of gods to whom only 
verses or half-verses are addressed, and a good number are 
mentioned only incidentally (nipata) ; 3 some are there whose 
name is announced by the seer at the time of offering the 
oblation, and some whose distinctive activities (karma) are 
praised. Yaska does not find it necessary to make separate lists 
of all these kinds of gods. 4 He enlists all those appellations 

1 The Brhaddevatct (VIII. 125 ff.) also makes an attempt at this classification 
and, on examination, the account given here seems to be as confused and in- 
adequate as the one found in the Nirukta. The* author of the Brhaddevata 
himself seems to be well aware of this, for he says that no one who is not a seer 
can hope to know a mantra by direct perception : 

anukranta devatas suktabhajo havirbhajasr cobhayatha nipcttaih \ 
apyevaih syad ubhayathanyatha vet na pratyakfiam anrser astt mantram II 

For the classification of deities according to the Brhaddevata, see Appen- 
dix B. The Devatanukramani of Madhavabhatta classifies ttie gods into 
Visible (J>ratyak$a) and Invisible (paroksa) ; the former are worshipped by 
visible rites, and to this group belong gods like Agni, Vayu and Surya ; 
Sarasvati, Manyu, Soma and others belonging to the latter variety are offered 
worship by invisible rites, and they are also hence invisible (paroksafy) 
[ligvedanukramani of Madhavabhatta, Ed. by Dr. C. Kunhan Raja, p. 55]. 

2 ttm*feta, X.*42. 

3 cf Brhaddevata, I. 17; VIII. 129. Strictly speaking this cannot be an 
independent group, for it is quite possible that a deity which may be incidentally 
mentioned in one group may receive praise or offering when enumerated in 
another group. Thus, though Prthivi is incidentally mentioned among celestial 
.gods, as an atmospheric deity, she receives offering (see Appendix A;. 

4 cf. Ibid., II. 71 for the same view. 



CHAPTER VII 129 

which have become conventional and with reference to 
which chief praise is addressed to the deity, 1 but all epithets 
alluding to the distinctive activity (karma) of a deity are 
omitted by him, because these are only indications of a parti- 
cular aspect of the proper appellations. However convincing 
this reasoning of Yaska may be, all these anomalous instances 
do argue for the inefficacy of this rationale when used to 
classify the entire Vedic pantheon. 

Nor is this the ambition of Yaska, for he seems to be 
satisfied with the utility of this fundamentum divisionis in an 
attempt afa further sub-division of the gods, classified by him 
already under the three major heads, taking into account their 

individual location. 



Of the fifty-two Terrestrial deities recorded in the 
Nighantu (Chap. V), Agni, the thirteen beginning with 
Dravinodah, Agnayi, Devi Jostrl, and Devi Urjdhutl 
receive both praise as well as oblation, but the remaining 
thirty-three beginning with As'va 2 receive only praise (stuti) ; 
the Atmospheric deities 3 mentioned are sixty -eight in number, 
and Yaska arranges them into three groups, single deities, 
groups of deities (devaganah), and goddesses (striyah) ; the 
single deities are thirty-nine in number ; there are eight groups 
of gods and there are twenty-one goddesses ; among the single 
deities, the following eleven, viz. Vena, Asumti, Rta, Indu, 
Ahi, Ahirbudhnya, Suparna, Puriiravas, Soma, Candramas and 
Dhatr, receive only praise (stuti) ; of the remaining twenty- 
eight, the first twenty-three beginning with Vdyu and ending 
with Agni, and Prajapati receive both oblation and praise ; 
S'yena and Mrtyu receive the soma libation ; Visrvanara is 

1 The same view is reiterated in the Brhaddevata, I. 86-88. 

2 Among these Naras'amsa is mentioned in the previous group as receiving 
havis also. 

3 Nighantu, Chap. V. 

9 



130 ATMAN 

t 

only another form of the Terrestrial god who receives both 
oblation and praise ; Vidhdtr is mentioned only incidentally. 
Of the eight groups of deities (devagana), the first seven 
beginning with Maruts and ending with the Bhrgus receive 
only praise, 1 and the Aptyas are mentioned only incidentally ; 
of the twenty-one goddesses, Sarasvatl? Sirilvall and Kuhu 9 
and Indranl* receive oblation and som& respectively, and 
Prthivl is only a form of the Prthivl, mentioned among the 
Terrestrial deities as a receiver of praise (stuti) only ; the 
remaining sixteen receive only praise (stuti). 

Regarding the Celestial deities who are thfrty-one in 
number, 4 Yaska by himself makes no distinctions among them ; 
but it does not follow from^ that that they are all uniform in 
character ; a good many of them are already mentioned in the 
earlier groups ; some of them drink soma in place of oblation, 
some get both, and some are mentioned only incidentally. 

Tvastrf Vi&vtinara 6 and Prthivl 7 are mentioned as 
existing in all the three regions ; Usas, by herself, is both a 
Celestial and an Atmospheric deity and, when coupled with 

1 This is according to the description given by Yaska in his Nirukta ; but 
from descriptions of these gods found elsewhere in the Rgveda and the 
Atharvaveda, it is seen that they all receive soma, and oblation accompanied 
by the call svadha. 

2 RV. I. 3. 10 which is cited by the Nirukta (XI. 26) as a typical address to 
Sarasvati, only asks her * to like the sacrifice ' (yajnam vastu) offered to her ; 
though the exact nature of the offering, i.e. havis or soma, is not clear, it is 
obvious that Sarasvati receives some offering. 

3 Though as an atmospheric deity, Indrani is described by Yaska (Nirukta. 

XI. 37 ff.) as one who receives praise only, it is known from a verse elsewhere 
in the RV. (I. 22. 12) that she receives the soma libation. 

4 Nighantu. loc. cit. 

5 Among celestial gods, Tvastr is mentioned only incidentally, but in the 
other two planes he represents forms of Agni (Nirukta, VIII. 14 f. ; X. 34 ; 

XII. 11). 

6 In the celestial sphere, Visrvanara is incidental, and in the other two 
spheres he means forms of Agni (Nirukta, VII. 31 ; XI. 9 ; XII. 21). 

7 Prthivl in the celestial plane is only incidental (Ibid., IX. 32 ; XI. 37; 
XII. 3ll. 



CHAPTER VII 131 

Naktd (Night) is a Terrestrial deity also ; l Agni is both 
Terrestrial and Atmospheric, while Savitr, Varuna, Yama 
and Atharvan are? both Celestial and Atmospheric ; 2 and among 
the wives of the gods (devapatnyah) mentioned in the list of 
the Celestial deities, Agndyl is mentioned earlier as a Terres- 
trial deity, and ludrani and Rodasi as Atmospheric deities ; 
also, while the Adityas receive oblation, the As'vins, the 
Vis'vedevah, Yama and Devapatnyah receive soma, and the 
Vasus get both oblation and soma ; Tvastr, Vi&vdnara, Aja 
Ekapad, Prthivl, Samudra, Atharvan, Manu and Dadhyan are 
mentioned incidentally ; the remaining celestial gods receive 
praise only. 

So much for the classification of the Vedic deities in 
accordance with the nature of the offering they receive from 
their worshippers. A careful study of it reveals several 
individual characteristics which distinguish one deity or a 
group of them from the rest of the pantheon. Judging thus 
from the standpoint of location, it is easily understood that 
the atmospheric deities are superior in status to those belong- 
ing to the terrestrial region, and that the celestial deities are, 
in their turn, not only superior to those belonging to the 
atmospheric region, but also are the most dignified ; the vast 
majority of these celestial deities receive, as can be noticed 
from the table at the end, 3 only praise ; only a very small 
minority receives any offering, so that receiving only praise 

1 Uas of the celestial plane is derived from vas f , ' to desire ', while she 
of the atmospheric plane is derived from vas, ' to shine ' ; when coupled with 
Nakta in the terrestrial plane, she receives oblation also besides praise (op. cit. t 
VIII. 11 ; XL 47 f. ; XII. 5). 

2 Savitr and Varuna represent the visible Sun when they are atmospheric, 
and the invisible aspect of him when on the celestial plane ; as a celestial god, 
Yama gets sotna, and havis only as an atmospheric god ; Atharvan is inci- 
dentally mentioned among celestial gods (op. cit. t X. 32. 4 f. ; XII. 12. 21 f. ; 
X. 19; XII. 29,33). 

3 See Appendix A. 



132 ATMAN 

(stuti) can be regarded as one of the qualifications associated 
with a superior deity ; also, of the celestial deities that receive 
any offering, the majority of them take soma, while oblation 
(havis) is received by an almost negligible minority. Receipt 
of soma instead of havis is hence another qualification asso- 
ciated with a superior deity. 

Now these canons will be of great help in understanding 
the difference in dignity on the one hand, between the several 
kinds of manes and the gods, and on the other hand, between 
the gods themselves, especially between those gods who are 
important in the study of the eschatological conceptions of 
the Vedic people. 

The association of deities with only stuti need not in 
itself signify greater eminence. Havis is essentially a factor 
in sacrifices, and as such must naturally be associated with 
such deities as are intimately connected with sacrifices. It is 
not all the deities that are invoked to the sacrifice to partake 
of the oblation. There are many deities who are not invoked 
to the sacrifices, who do not partake of the offerings given at 
the sacrifices, but who yet receive praises which are sent up 
to them. What can therefore be said is that the gods of the 
terrestrial and atmospheric regions are more connected with 
the sacrifice and are as such mostly havirbhajah, while the 
gods of the celestial region have no such intimate connection 
with sacrifices. 

Under the group of manes come the Maruts, the Bbhus, 
the Angirases, the Pitrs, the Atharvans and the Bhrgus, and 
perhaps the Rudras also on account of their close association 
with the Maruts. In the Nirukta these are all mentioned 
under groups of gods (devagana), but an examination of their 
nature 1 reveals that they are no more than manes 9 though 
1 For an exhaustive study, see supra, pp, 61 ff. 



CHAPTER VII 133 

superior to the ordinary class of them because of their special 
-distinctions. 

The Maruts are of dubious parentage ; not merely are 
they called sons of Rudra (II. 33. I), 1 or of Prsni (I. 23. 10) 
or of Sindhu (X. 78. 6), but are also styled often as self-born 
(I. 168. 2). Very often they are called priests (V. 29. 3) or 
are compared with them (X. 78. 1), and one passage in the 
RV. (I. 85. 7) says that they obtained a dwelling in Heaven 
through their greatness (tavas). It is clear from these factors 
that their individual merit was responsible for their rise from 
priesthood to divinity. 

Though originally mortals, the Rbhus, children of Manu, 2 
acquired immortality by reason of their feats (III. 60. 3). 
They are also said to have mounted to Heaven (I. 110. 6) and 
to have obtained the friendship of the gods (IV. 36. 4), with 
the result that they are often even expressly invoked as gods 
(IV. 37. 1). 

The Angirases derive their appellation from Angiras one 
of the earliest ancestors of the Vedic people, who, by his 
special merit, achieved immortality/ 

The Pitrs are the virtuous ancestors of the Vedic seers 
whose virtuous life on earth allowed them to enter the Heaven 
of Yama for enjoyment in his company. The term can also 
be taken as generic, denoting all the varieties of ancestors, 
whether they are of superior merit or of merit which is only 
up to the mark, for we hear once that there are three 
varieties of these fathers (pitarah), high, middle and low 
(X. 15. 1). 

1 Unless specified otherwise, citations like these in this section refer 
only to the Rgveda. 

2 They are also often sons of Sudhanvan (I. 110. 4). 

3 For a fuller account of the Angirases, see supra, pp. 65 ff. 



134 ATMAN 

Along with the Angirases, Navagvas and the Bhrgus, the 
Atharvans are also enumerated as fathers in one verse of the 
Rgveda (X. 14. 6). They are said to have established the 
order of sacrifices (X. 92. 10), and by the merit acquired by 
performance of feats like these they were able to be relatives of 
the gods (AV. IV. 1. 7), and to dwell in Heaven (AV. XL 6. 13). 
Like the Atharvans, the Bhrgus came to be esteemed as gods 
on demonstration of their skill (X. 92. 10). 

This entire group of manes of whom detailed descriptions 
have already beeri given, belongs to the atmospheric region 
(madhyasthana). From the point of view of position, it may 
seem that the manes, the above devaganas, are more eminent 
than the terrestrial gods like Agni. In so far as they receive 
only praise and not hams or soma (except in a very few cases), 
it would appear that they are superior jto the terrestrial gods, 
and also to the atmospheric gods who'are partakers of havis. 
But it has already been indicated above that receiving only 
praise is a feature associated with the gods of a higher status, 
but need not in itself be a feature constituting that higher 
status. The distinction between suktabhajah and havirbhajah 
conies in only from the degree of intimate relation, and if 
these devaganas do not receive havis but only praise, it only 
shows that they are not gods invoked to sacrifices to partake 
of offerings. 

Yaska's description of these makes one feel that they 
receive only praise (stuti), but from abundant descriptions of 
them found elsewhere in the Rgveda, it is obvious that they 
all receive svadha and soma, and that some of them even 
rejoice in the call svaha like the gods (X. 14. 3). As a class, 
therefore, they must all be inferior to the celestial deities, 
particularly to those of them that receive praise only. A 
gradation among these fathers is made sometimes (X. 15. 1), 



CHAPTER VII 135 

and this distinction will also be obvious on application of the 
test to each one of the varieties to see whether they receive, 
mere oblation or soma also. 

According to the account given of Yatna in the Veda, he 
is no more than the first mortal who after death found out the 
path for those that went after him (X. 14. 2). Naturally, 
Yama must hence be regarded as one among the fathers. 
The present test also proves that he is so. Yama is a deity 
of the atmospheric region, 1 and like them, he receives oblation 
(svadha). True that his name is found also in the list of the 
celestial deities. 2 Yaska and Durga explain 3 this by saying 
that the atmospheric Yama refers to Yama, king of the dead, 
and that the celestial Yama is none else than the setting Sun. 
Though Yaska and his commentator try to explain the obvious 
difficulty by accepting two Yamas, it is also possible to accept 
a single Yama and explain ttye phenomenon of his double 
occurrence by saying that the dual mention of Yama among 
the atmospheric deities as well as among those belonging to 
the celestial region, is only to show that he is superior to the 
rest of the fathers (pitaralt). That Yama should be a celestial 
god, at least in part, is proof enough that he is superior to the 
rest of the fathers who are essentially atmospheric. As the 
first of the mortals to find out the " path," as the king and 
assembler (sangamanam jandnam) 4 of the dead in Heaven, 
Yama must certainly be supreme among those of his class, 
and the description that, in his celestial capacity, he drinks 
soma' is only another factor proving his superiority at least 
over the ordinary manes who receive only oblation (havis). 

1 See Appendix A . 

9 Ibid 

3 Nirukta, XII. 29, and'Durga's commentary thereon. 

4 RV. X.H.I. 

5 RV. X. 135. 1 ; Nirukta, XII. 29. . 



136 ATMAN 

Varuria is described as the companion of Yama ia 
the merriment ot the latter in his Heaven (X. 14. 7), and 
it is gratifying to see that the application of ttje present test 
shows Varuna to be possessed of all the privileges to which 
Yama is entitled. Like Yama, Varuna also is partially 
atmospheric and partially celestial, 1 and receives oblation ' 
(havis)* as a deity of the atmospheric region ; but while Yama 
gets soma in his celestial capacity, Varuna then receives praise 
(stuti), and this is proof that the latter is superior in status 
even to the former. This fact is well-known for, in the whole 
of the Rgveda, Yama is only called king (raja) but never a 
god, while Varuna is honoured with the latter appellation also 
most frequently, especially when these two are mentioned 
together (ubhd rdjdnd svadhayd madantd yamarh pasydsi 
varunam ca devam)* 

The present test applied to Visnu reveals him as the 
supreme deity in the Vedic pantheon, superior not only to the 
fathers (pitarah) but also to Yama and Varuna ; as one who 
lives essentially in the celestial plane, Visnu is certainly 
higher in status than Varuna or Yama who are partially 
atmospheric also ; and as one who receives praise (stuti) and 
nothing more, he is again superior to Yama who is entitled 
to no praise, 4 and to Varuna who, besides praise, receives 
oblation and a libation of soma also. 

Savitr, Pusan and Surya are three more celestial deities 
who need be considered at present ; the last two are described 
in their solar capacity and, like Visnu, receive only praise. 
These can thus be regarded as on an equal footing with 

1 See Appendix A. 

2 Ibid. 

3 RV. X. 14. 7 cd. 

4 As a celestial god Yama gets sotna, while he gets havis only in the 
atmospheric plane (See supra, p. 131 n.) 



CHAPTER VII 137 

Visnu. But though Savitr is solar in nature and receives 
praise only in his celestial capacity, as an atmospheric deity 
he receives oblation. Yaska and his commentator, Durga, 
explain l this dual personality of Savitr by saying that, in his 
atmospheric and celestial capacities, he represents respectively 
the visible and invisible aspects of the Sun. In point^of 
status, therefore, Savitr is on a par with Varuna, though both 
these in their celestial character belong to the same category 
as Visnu i.e., the solar group. Durga seems also to recognize 
this fact for, in explaining the dual aspect of both these 
divinities, the same explanation is offered by him in both 



cases/ 



Also, Indu, Soma and Candramas are three lunar deities 
belonging to the atmospheric region, and they receive praise 
(stuti) only ; and Mrtyu another god of the same region 
receives the libation of soma. Can we see adumbrated in 
these data the later Upanisadic idea of the Moon being the 
destination of ordinary mortals, an inferior destination as 
compared with the destination of those of superior merit who 
travel further by the bright solar path, never more to return 
to earth ? Being an atmospheric deity entirely, the Moon, 
though superior to terrestrial deities, is without doubt inferior 
to Visnu, Surya and other solar deities who belong to the 
celestial region ; and if the connection of Mrtyu (Death) with 
Soma, an aspect of the Moon, could be understood also to 
mean the close relation between mortality and the Moon, we 
have here much of the material which found full formation 
and development later in the Upanisadic period and went by 
the name of the Pitryana or the Dhumamdrga, the path which 

1 Nirukta, XII. 12, and Durga's gloss thereon. 

3 Durga on Nirukta, XII. 12 and 21 ; Yaska also seems to hold the same 
view, but he has said nothing quite explicitly. 



138 ATMAN 

belongs to those subject to recurrent birth and death and 
which terminates at the Moon, as contrasted with the Deva- 
yana or the Arciradimarga, the path which belongs to those 
that proceed further, never more return to their earthly home, 
and which is closely connected with the Sun. That the 
lunar deities Indu, Soma, and Candramas, should receive 
praise only like the solar deities, Visnu, Pusan and Surya, 
should entitle the former also to be a destination for ordinary 
people at least, even as the latter are for others who are of 
superior merit. 1 

Among the gods and manes noticed in the pages above, 
we can thus make the following distinction : Visnu, Pusan 
and Surya are of the highest order, next come Savitr and 
Vanina, next Yama, next the Rbhus, Maruts, Angirases, 
Atharvans, Bhrgus and the Btidras, and lastly the fathers 
(pitarah) of ordinary merit ; and it should be highly refresh- 
ing to note that a study of some ather characteristics also of 
these gods and manes forces us to arrive at the same distinc- 
tion as has been posited now. 

APPENDIX A 

SOKTABHAJAH, HAVIRBHAJAH AND 
NIPATABHAJAH ACCORDING TO THE NIRUKTA 

I. SUKTABHAJAH 

(a) TERRESTRIAL DEITIES (PRTHIVlSTHANADEVATiH) 

As'vah, S'akunih, Mandukah, Aksah, Gravanah, Nara- 
srarhsah, Rathah, Dundubhih, Isudhih, Hastaghnah, Abhl- 
s'avah, Dhanuh, Jya, Isuh, As'vajanl, Ulukhalam, Vrsabhah r 
1 For a full treatment of this subject, see supra, pp. 89 if. 



CHAPTER VII 

Drughanah, Pituh, Nadyah, Apah, Osadhayah, Ratrih, 
Aranyani, S'raddha, Prthivi, Apva, Ulukhalamusale, Havir- 
dhane, Dyavaprthivl, Vipat-soitudrl, Artnl, and S'unasirau (33). 

(V) ATMOSPHERIC DEITIES (MADHYASTHANADEVATAH) 

Venah, Asunltih, Rtah, Induh, Ahih, Ahirbudhnyah, 
Suparnah, Pururavah, Somah, Candramah, Vis'vanarah, Dhata 
Marutah, Rudrah, Rbhavah, Ahgirasah, Pitarah, Atharvanah, 
Bhrgavah, Raka, Yami, Urvas'I, Prthivi, IndranI, Gaurl, Gauh, 
Dhenuh, Aghnya, Aditih, Sarama, Vak, Anumatih, Pathya, 
Svastih, Usah, Ila and RodasI (37). 

(c) CELESTIAL DEITIES (ANTARIKSASTHANADEVATAH) 

s 

Usah, Sufya, Vrsakapayi, Saranyuh, Savita, Bhagah, 
Suryah, Pusa, Visnuh, Varunah, Res'!, Kes'inah, Vrsakapih, 
Saptarsaj^ah, Devah, Sadhyah, Vajinah, Devapatnyah (18). 

II. HAVIRBHAJAH 

(a) TERRESTRIAL DEITIES (PRTHIVISTHANADEVATAH) 
Agnih, Dravinodah, Idhmah, Tanunapat, Naras'arhsah, 

V 

Ilah, Barhih, Dvarah, Usasanakta, Daivyahotara, Tisro Devlh, 
Tvasta, Vanaspatih, Svaha, Krtayah, Agnayl, Devi Jostrl, 
Devi UrjahutI (17). 

(6) ATMOSPHERIC DEITIES (MADHYASTHANADEVATAH) 

Vayuh, Varunah, Rudrah, Indrah, Parjanyah, Brahmanas- 
patih, Ksetrasya patih, Vastospatih, Vacaspatih, Apam napat, 
Yamah, Mitrah, Kah, Sarasvan, Vis'vakarma, Tarksyah, 
Manyuh, Dadhikrah, Savita, Tvasta, Vatah, Agnih, Prajapatih, 
SarasvatI, Sinlvali and Kuhu (27) ; S'yena and Mrtyu (2) 
drink soma (29). 



140 ATMAN 

(c) CELESTIAL DEITIES (ANTARIKSASTHANADEVATAH) 
, Yamah, and Vis'vedevah take soma ; Adityah 



.take havis, and the Vasavah take both havis and soma (5). 

III. NIPATABHAJAH 

(a) TERRESTRIAL DEITIES 
Jatavedah and Vais'vanarah (2). 

(6) ATMOSPHERIC DEITIES 
Vidhatr and Aptyah (2). 

(c) CELESTIAL DEITIES 

Tvasta, Vis'vankrah, Prthivi, Samudrah, Atharva, Manuh, 
'Dadhyan and Aja Ekapad (8). 

APPENDIX B 

CLASSIFICATION OF VEDIC GODS ACCORDING 
TO THE BRHADDEVATA l 

(a) UKTAMANTRAH (DEITIES WHO ARE PRAISED 

BY HYMNS) 

Saptarsayah, Vasavah, DeVah, Atharvanah, Bhrgavah, 
Somah, Suryah, Surya, Pathya, Svastih, Rodasi, Kuhuh, 
Gunguh, Aditih, Dhenuh, Aghnya, Asumtih, Ila, Aptya, 
Anumatih and Angirasah (21). 

(6) HAVIRBHAJAH (DEITIES WHO OWN OBLATIONS) 

Vais'vanarah, Suparnah, Vivasvat, Prajapatih, Dyauh, 
Sudhanva, Nagohyah, Aparfa Napat, Aryaman, Vatajutih^ 

1 This classification is given in Brhaddevata, VIII. 125-128 j according to 
the next verse (VIII. 129). the two divisions noted above include the incidental 
* deities (Nip&tinaty) in each case. 



CHAPTER VII 

Ilaspatih, Rbhavah, Parjanyah, Parvatah, Gnah, Daksah, 
Rathaspatih, Bhagah, Devapatnlh, Dis'ah, Adityah, Rudrah, 
Pitarah, and Sadhyah (24). 

The nature of the Vedic conception of God as such is 
not quite relevant to our main purpose ; but what is important 
for consideration in this respect is the relation that existed 
between God and man during this period, how far the high 
gods helped man in life and after death. The prayers addressed 
to the different divinities aim, for the most part, at the attain- 
ment of some good in this life, but the point remains, to be 
considered whether all the words denoting wealth, happiness 
and the like, should really be taken in their literal sense, or 
whether any kind of thought was given by the Vedic seers for 
some kind of higher happiness after death. There is no 
doubt whatsoever regarding the fact that the poetry of the 
Rgveda is in a sense symbolic and mystic. In the description 
of sacrifices, for instance, we find the symbolism of a bull, 
so that when the word bull is found, it does not mean the 

actual bull, but the more abstract sacrifice pictured in concrete 

* 

terms. The same is true of as'va and syena, and there is 
no reason why words like rayi should not in a symbolical 
way refer to some higher happiness instead of mere material 
well-being. 

And when there is such an intimate relation between 
the condition of the Soul, in this world and after death, and 
the various divinities, the enquiry naturally arises as regards 
the doctrine which the Vedic Aryans entertained about the 
nature of ,the gods ; 'whether all the gods are independent or 
whether there is one Supreme God with all the other gods 
for his subordinates, or whether there is only one God of 
whom the individual gods are manifestations or aspects. The 
phenomena of what Max Muller calls Kathenotheism implies a 



142 ATMAN 

doctrine of one real God of whom the other gods are only 
aspects, because this justifies the description of one god 
after another in succession as supreme for the time being. 
The relation of the souls to God, how much man depended 
upon the gods, and how far the gods helped man in this life 
and after his death remains, however, what is relevant to the 
subject under consideration. 



CHAPTER VIII 

PRAYERS AND THEIR REWARDS 
IN THE VEDA 

CLOSELY connected with the problem of the nature of the 
Soul is the discussion concerning the civilization of a people. 
If the Rgveda represents only what may be called a primitive 
state of life, it is impossible to expecj any high standard of 
achievement either in the field of religion or in the realm of 
philosophy. It is difficult to analyse normally man's civiliza- 
tion into its materialistic and spiritual aspects, unless this be 
for purposes of scientific scrutiny, even as it is the case with 
the analysis of a sentence. A complete sentence represents a 
whole thought which in reality has no such divisions like 
subject and predicate. Yet a sentence is divided into parts 
like subject and predicate. Our analytical view of the 
spiritual and materialistic aspects of a civilization has only 
the same degree of validity as the analysis of a sentence. 
Civilization is one complete whole, and in understanding the 
philosophical and religious progress made by a nation, one has 
to examine the state of civilization prevailing in general in the 
nation. In the preceding sections, I have been dealing with 
the general content of the literature that preceded the 
Upanisads. There is also another way by which one can 
judge the standard of a civilization. This is by an analysis of 



144 ATM AN 

the vocabulary in the language of a nation. As civilization 
advances, ideas increase, and there is a corresponding improve- 
ment . even in the vocabulary. Although the main idea may 
remain the same, subtle differences in meaning bring about an 
expansion of the vocabulary ; and such divergences do indicate 
a certain degree of advancement in civilization. Words 
change their connotation from time to time. As time passes, 
the same idea may be expressed by different words, or the same 
word may express different ideas in different contexts. In 
view of these considerations, it is possible to rely on the extent 
of vocabulary in the language of a nation in determining the 
standard of its civilization and the extent of its progress. In 
a primitive society, man's wants are few, his ambitions limited r 
and his prayers to the powers above hiqi will consequently be 
confined to a narrow range. It is only when the nation 
progresses in civilization that knowledge increases, wants 
become manifold, ambition grows higher, and what is solicited 
of the gods in the course of prayers grows in volume as well 
as in variety. Viewed from this standpoint, a comprehensive 
analysis of the contents of the Rgveda will be of real value in 
the understanding of the conception of the Soul according to 
that Samhita. The following is such a comprehensive analysis, 
though it may not lay claims for being completely exhaustive. 
Rayi is one of the words which represents some benefit 
which the Rgvedic seers sought from their propitious gods. 
The word occurs over six hundred times in the RV. in such 
forms as Rayi, Ray, Revat and Rati, and as part of compounds 
like Rayivatah, Rayivrdhah, Rayisdcah, Brhadrayim, Mamha- 
yadrayim, Rdyahkdmah, Rdtisdcah, Citrardti, Vibhutardtim. 
The Nirukta (II. 12) derives the word from the root rd, * ta 
give '. Usually the word is understood to mean ' wealth or 
riches ' Taken literally this may be an aspect of material wealth* 



CHAPTER VIII 145 

Vasu connotes the same meaning in the Veda. It occurs 
over three hundred times in all in such forms as Vasu, Vasya, 
Vasva and Vasvi, and as part of compounds like Vrsanvasu, 
Vajinlvasu, Vibhdvasuh, Puruvasuh, S'acivasuh, Samvasuhy. 
Gurtavasuh. 

Dhana, Sdti, Rddhas, Rati, Bhaga, Bhagatti, Rekna f 
Vary a, Dyumna, S'rl, Nidhi, Nireka, Abhva, Artha, Bhdga r 
Yoga, Dravina, Savya, Prasava. Varivas, M-anma, Vara* 
Veda, Sumna, Gaya, Magha, Vara, S'ulka, S'rusti, Raghu, 
Arya, Grabha, Svas, Sudhita, Nrmna, Desna, Ukthya, I, 
Panya, Tana, and Indriya are other words which are used 
very frequently in the Veda to mean * riches or wealth ' in 
general. 

S'ravas which occurs over one hundred times in the 
Rgveda and is often used to mean ft wealth or riches ', more 
frequently designates ' food '. So does Ksatra which in its 
more than fifty occurrences in the Veda more often means 
' bodily strength ' than * wealth ' of any kind. 

Varutha and Gotra are two other words which sometimes 
mean ' riches or wealth '. The former of the two more 
usually means ' a dwelling ', while the latter is used abundantly 
in the sense of * cow ' or * cloud '. 

The Vedic seers also specify the kinds of wealth they 
desired and obtained from their gods. Gold and Precious 
Stones seem to be very popular with them. Gold is called by 
such names as Hiranya, Hirariyavad-vasu, Hiranyakalas'a, 
Haris f rl and Pis'ariga, while Precious Stones were called 
Ratna or Ratnadheya. The seers seem also to have been fond 
of personal decorations like dress and ornament. These also 
they seek from their gods who are propitious towards 
them. Among the ornaments they sought were golden-ear- 
rings (Hiraijyakarriam =p " having a gold ear-ring ") and 



146 ATMAN 

jewel-necklaces (Manigrivam " having a jewel necklace "). 
Vastra is the term generally used to signify ' gorgeous dress '. 

Kine and flocks of sheep formed a major part of the 
requirements of the Vedic people. The sheep is generally 
designated Avi, while the cow was called by such names as 
Catuspat, S'ata, S'atagvina, Sahasra and Yiitha. 

Engaged as these people were in incessant wars, it is not 
strange that; of their gods, they should solicit horses and 
chariots which they could use in their warfare, weapons 
which they could wield on such occasions, and strength both to 
withstand the enemy as well as to crush him. The ' horse ' is 
called by such names as A&va, Atya, Arvat, Etas, and Sapti. 
The word Vdja which occurs nearly four hundred times in the 
Rgveda also means * horse ', but it is often used to designate 
* strength ', * food ' etc. Ratha is the term by which the ' chariot ' 
is designated in the Veda. This word occurs over six hundred 
times in the Rgveda in such forms as Ratha, Rathi, and 
Rathya, and as part of compounds like Surathasali, Rdthltamah, 
Rathasange, Pururathak, Rathayujam, and Rathaspatih. 

The weapons which the Vedic seers used seems to be of 
two kinds, those used for defence and those for offence ; the 
former is called by the name Varma, while Ayudha signifies 
that belonging to the latter category. The word Amsatra 
sometimes means ' armour ', though it means ' strength ' also. 

' Strength ' is denoted by such terms as Daksa, Vlrya^ 
Bala, Varcas, Tvisa(si), Ama, Retas, Tavas, Mahfyas, Ra- 
bhyas, Ojas, S'i>, S'ak, TV, Ydt, Brh, Prath, Vr 9 Sah, Amsat- 
ra, Pdja, Rabhas, S'usma, S'avas, Yas'as, JDyumna, Ksatra, 
Urja, Paumsya, Krtti, Vrjana (jina), S'aurya, S'ardha, Ugra 
and Mahas. Nrmna, a word of frequent occurrence in the 
Rgveda, also signifies ' strength ', but it also means ' wealth * in 
many a context. So also though S'ravas should sometimes 



CHAPTER VIII 147 

be taken in the sense of ' strength ', it has more often the 
sense of ' food ', and often means ' wealth * even. 

The desire for wealth of offspring which is one of the 
major boons that the seers frequently sought from their gods, 
is only intimately connected wYth the idea of the conquest of 
enemies. These seers sought for an unlimited number of sons, 
so that with their united strength they might be able to des- 
troy completely the hosts of their enemies. The words used 
in the RV. to denote the * son ' are : Tokay Praja, Vira, 
Apatya, Tanaya, Siinu, Sani, S'tVw, Krsti, and Suputra. The 
phrase Sarvamram rayim is often used to denote * sons ' ; and 
this shows how much the Vedic seers valued the possession 
of sons. In one verse (RV. VI. 57. 7), the Maruts are said to 
allow the worshippers to multiply by hundreds (s'atino var- 
dhayanti). This statement again shows the enthusiastic 
craving of the seers for sons. Suvlrya, a word which occurs 
at least eighty times, often means ' sons ', but it means also 

* strength ' as often. 

The Vedic seers not only fought with their enemies in 
battles, but also sought the help of the great gods in destroy- 
ing them. ' Battle ' is called by such names 'as Samoha, 
Samarya, Abhika, Gavisti, Samat, Prtana, Bhara, Hvara, 
Durga, Vrjana, and Vaja also signify * battle ' in some con- 
texts, but the former term often means * food ', and the latter 
frequently signifies ' food ' or ' horses '. Durita also means 
4 battle ' sometimes, but more often it is a synonym of * sin ' 
or ' distress '. Among the enemies of these seers are not only 

* human beings ', but also ' demons ' and * spirits ', and even 
wild animals and reptiles. To the first of these classes 
generally belong the aboriginal neighbours of these seers who 
did not respect their gods, who offered no sacrifices to them,, 
and who were always at war with them. These are designated 



148 ATMAN 

by numerous names such as Abrahmd, Brahmadvis, Brahma 
yah ninitsdt, A&as, A&asti, Anrc, Anuktha, Ye na irayanti, 
Kadacana Prajigat, Asunvat, Ardti, Ardvna, Dureva, Aprnat, 
Anahuti, Ararus, Akarman, Akratu, Ayajvan, Ayajyu, Aya- 
fnasdcin, Avrata, Anyavratfi, Apavrata, Anindra, Adeva,, 
Adevayu, Amanyamdna, Amantu, Anrtadeva, Muradeva,. 
S'i&nadeva, Aghas'amsa, Mrdhravak, Droghavak, Duskrt, Dur- 
matin, Kimidin, Ripu, S'atru, Amitra, Amitrayat, Abhimati, 
Abhi&asti, Ariris, Ririsant, Aghayat, Avapadah karta, Himsra, 
Jighisat, Nid, Sprdh, Sapatna, Sridh. The * demons ' and 
1 spirits ' to be saved from whom was one of the fervent prayers 
of the seers to the gods, were called by such generic names as 
Amanusa, A sura, Raksas, Druh, Kravydda, Bahuksad, 
Asutrpa, Ghoracaksas, Krsnatvak, As'ikni, Anasa, Dasyu, 
Dasa, Pani. The demons are also often specified by names 
like Vrtra, Ahi, Vala, Danu, Namuci, S'usna, Arbuda, S'am- 
bara, Urana, Svarbhanu, Pipru, Dhuni, Cumuri, Tvdstra, 
Navavdstva, Ahis'uva, Aurnavabha, Drbhlka, Rudhikrfi, Anar- 
&ani, S'rbinda, Illbitfa, Varcin and Vi&varupa. The wild 
animals which these seers dreaded are the Vrka and the 
Ducchuna, and * reptiles ' are called Ahi or Tsaru. 

The several devotees, no doubt, fed their gods with 
offerings of hams or sonia in sacrifices. This does not 
certainly mean that the gods were incapable of getting these 
things for themselves. The worshippers could themselves have 
these things only through the good-will of the gods, and if 
these were offered to the gods it shows their devotion rather 
than the needs of these gods. This is obvious when the seers 
repeatedly crave from their gods the supply of some of the 
vital necessities of life such as food, drink, clothing and 
shelter. They often ! complain of severe hunger (K?ut) 9 of the 
1 RV.VII. Ll9;X. 33. 2. 



CHAPTER VIII 149 

consequent famishment (Jasu) and of nakedness (Nagnata). 
The general names of food are Prayas, Isa, Yava, Vaya, 
S'ravas, Ya&as, Cana, Prksa, Sasa, Arka, Andhas, 
S'romat, Bhojana, Bhoja, Bhakta, Blja, Dyuksa, Bhaksa, 
Adatra, Anna, Odana, Bandhu, Ksu, Dhdyas, lid, Svadhd, 
Svadita, Bhagatti, Pitu, Vena, S'amsa, Rju, S'rusti, Pusthi, 
Posa. Brahma also means ' food ' very often, but more 
frequently it means * prayer '. Dyumna which is often a 
synonym of ' food ', also means ' strength ' and ' wealth ' ; 
and Jlva, another synonym, is also the name of the * indi- 
vidual soul '. Arka sometimes means ' food ', but its more 
usual sense is the ' shining light of Heaven '. Daksa, Retas 
and Varcas are three synonyms of * food ' which occur 
abundantly in the sense of ' strength '. Vdja is the equivalent 
of both * food ' and * horse '. 

' Drink ' in its general sense is called Asuti, while milk 
(Kslra) and ghee (Sarpi) are mentioned specifically by their 
names. Svah often means * a drinkable liquid ', but it some- 
times means also * riches ' and most often the ' shining light of 
Heaven '. The seers also request their gods to supply them 
with soma ! or madhudaka? 

* Fields ' which are cultivable and which can yield 
supplies are asked for by such terms as Ksetra, Suksetriya 
Uroara and Ksiti. The first and last of these words often 
signify ' a dwelling '. 

It is not enough if the gods merely supply these fields. 
They must also see that they are well-watered, and the Vedic 
seer is seen to request them to supply adequate rains from 
time to time. The synonyms of ' rain ' in the Veda are Vrsti, 
Divyako&a, Payas and Apah. The terms Mllhus and Vrs 

1 RV. IV. 32. 7. 

2 RV. IX. 67. 32. 



150 .ATMAN 

also occur in this context, but they often signify * showering 
of gifts in general '. It should be of interest in this context 
to note that in one verse (RV. X. 63. 15), the Maruts are 
asked to bless the seers with water even in desert tracts 
(Dhanvasu). The word Dhanva occurs six times in the 
Rgveda, and often signifies the * bow '. 

The names used to designate ' dwelling ' in the Veda are 
Chardi, Ksaya, Ksiti, Dama, Sadana, Varfitha, Okas, Sti, 
Astatati, Dhdma, Sudhatu, Ws', Samsat, Upasti, Svasara, 
Yoni, Usra, Ksetra. Vasu, one of the synonyms of ' dwelling ', 
sometimes means * food ', but its more frequent signification 
is ' wealth '. Sarana which means * dwelling ', also means 
' protection ' in many contexts. S'arma, another term by 
which * dwelling ' is called, is more often a name for anything 
that is ' good '. 

The gods have also to supply ' servants ' (JVr, Ddsa) to 
Ibok after the comforts of these seers. The latter word also 
means * enemy '. 

For purposes of easy and swift movements from place 
to place, the seers need good ' roads ', and even these are 
expected from the bountiful gods above. The names by 
which the 4 road ' was called are Patha, Gain, Sugatu, Pada, 
Ydna and Sruti. 

Gods like Indra and the As'vins are also match-makers, 
and see that the favoured among their devotees are united with 
suitable wives. The Vedic synonyms for * wife ' are Jdya, 
Jam, Patnl and Ru?at(-ti). Names of individual maidens 
like Raji who was bestowed on Pithinas, ' are also men- 
tioned often. 

So far specific rewards made by the Vedic seers were 
taken note of. Often these seers used generic terms to signify 
1 RV. vi. 26. 6. 



CHAPTER VIII 151 

their wants* Words like Turn and Vrs are most important in 
this connection ; the former occurs at least one hundred times 
in the Rgveda, mostly as part of compounds like Tuvijdta, 
Tuvidyumna, Tuvimagha, Tuvinrmna, and though its general 
meaning may be * plenty ', it means, very often, as part of the 
first compound, some ' general good ' which the gods can do to 
their devotees. Similar is the case with the word Vrs which, in 
its over five hundred occurrences in forms like Vrsan, Vrsana, 
Vrsabha, Vrsayu and Vrsamanas, has the general meaning * to 
shower ', and which, when used independently, means * to confer 
some benefit '. Dharman is another word worth consideration in 
this context. It occurs about seventy times in all in the Rgveda, 
independently as well as part of compounds like Satyadharma, 
Satyadharmdnah, Vidharmani arid Vidharmane. The word 
very often means * sustenance ' in general, though its usual 
meaning is any ' sacrificial act '. 

Certain collective terms like Idam, Abhisfa(-sfi), Abhista, 
Daksind, Dana, Ista, Puru, Bhuri, Mahat and Brhat are often 
used to designate the k requirements in general ' of these seers. 
Without any specific mention of the object of their desire, the 
gods are often addressed to grant them their requests. The 
verbs used on such occasions are yacch, san, makhasy, 
rd, pin, dhd with prati, cay, vah, acch, das'asy, fan. The 
god who fulfils these desires is called Dravinodas, Dadi, 
Ddvan, Dds'vdn, Ddnaukas, Suddnu, Dasvan, Satrddavan, 
Mamhayu, Milhustama, Svarsd, Nrsdk and Suvit. 

The following are the names used to denominate ' dis- 
tress or misfortune ' from which the gods are implored to save 
their devotee and make him happy : Nireka, Avarti, Durga, 
Bddha, Utva, Arana, and Taper. Pds*a and Durita often 
mean * distress ' in general, but ^sin ' seems to be their 
particular signification. * Prosperity ' was sought for in 



152 ATMAN 

positive terms also, and the following words used in this sense 
denote * felicity,' ' happiness,' and ' protection ' : S'arma, 
Oti, Justi, Maya, Prasrasti, Svasti, Avas, S'am, Varutha, 
S'ubha, Sva, Suga, Sugya, S'usa, Hita, Samnyasa, Candra, 
Ksema, S'akma> S'eva, S'una, Puli, S'arana, Sumati, Raksa^ 
Utsava, Suvita, 'Arya, Bhoga, and Ka. Manma, Vasya, Sumna, 
and Narya are also synonyms of ' wealth ', besides of ' happi- 
ness '. In soliciting this ' happiness or protection ', the 
following verbs are used : mr/, ((/), bhuj, pa, vrdh, s'iv, vr 
with a, ran, ram, jus, mad, ind, pun, edh and ur us. 

The word Rhadra which occurs over one hundred and 
fifty times in the Rgveda, chiefly in the sense of 'bliss', deserves 
special mention in this connection, for it seems to denote 'good' 
which is something higher than ordinary material prosperity, 
The Nirukta * derives it in many ways, from the root bhaj, dru 
with abhi, ram with bhti, bhand, and bhajana. 

The gods are not all alike. Though the vast majorit} 
of them is benevolent and generous to the suppliant devotee 
there are still some among them whom the worshipper has tc 
appease, not for any positive benefit, but to save himself from 
disaster which may otherwise befall him through their anger 
The greatest boon that the worshipper can hope to secure 
from such gods is freedom from their malevolence. The word* 
used in such supplications are ris with ma, and vyath and badl 
with their negatives. 

The interest of the gods in the welfare of their devotee* 
does not stop with supplying them with all the necessities 01 
life. Some of the gods like Agni, Brhaspati, Savitr, the As'vins 
Adityas, Soma and Rudra seem to possess medical skill b] 
which they cure the ailments of their worshippers who 
frequently approach them with such a request. The names by 

1 IV. 10 ; XI. 19. 



CHAPTER VIII 153 

which the seers call ' disease ' are Amwa (va), Yqksman, Srama, 
Sipada. White-leprosy seems to be known by the name 
Arjuna (RV, I. 122. 5). There are also references l to the 
Rbhus having rejuvenated their parents, and the As'vins, their 
suppliants like Kali, Cyavana and Dasra. The As'vins seem 
to possess much more skill in this respect than the rest of the 
gods, for they are able to cure defects in eye-sight, as well 
as to repair maimed limbs. Kaks'Ivan implores" the As'vins to 
see that he passes his old-age possessed of eye-sight (pa&yan 
jarimanam j agamy am), and glorifies them when his request is 
granted (RV. 1. 120. 6). Rjras'va, cursed by his father to become 
blind, was pitied by the As'vins who gave him eyes (aksl 
vicakse).* To the blind Kanva, the As'vins granted eye-sight 
(mahah adattam). 4 Vis'pala, wife of Khela, broke a foot in a 
nocturnal engagement, and the As'vins granted her an iron leg 
(ayaslm jangham adhattam). 5 The seer Ghosa says (RV. L 
117. 9) that the As'vins have made whole the maimed 
(srdmam samrinlthah) . The skill of the As'vins in ' obstetrics ' 
is shown from the report that they brought forth the sage 
Vamadeva from the womb (vipram ksetrdj janathah)* 

Indra also seems to be versed in the cure of * blindness ' 
and 'lameness,' but specially, as it seems, in curing 'baldness'. 
Indra is described (RV. II. 13. 12) to have saved Paravrj from 
his affliction when he was blind (andha) and lame (srona) ; 
and when he, pleased with Apala who gave him plenty of 
soma to drink, asked her to name the boons she wanted, she 
.asks for the cure of baldness which afflicted her as well as her 

1 RV. I. 20. 4 ; 112. 15 ; 116. 10 ; V. 74. 5 ; VII. 68. 6 ; 71. 5 ; X, 39. 4, 8. 

3 RV. I. 116. 25. 

3 RV. I. 116. 16; 117. 17-18. 

4 RV. I. 117. 8 ; VIII. 5. 23 ; 8. 20. 

6 RV. I. 116. 15; X. 39. 8. 

6 RV. I. 119. 7. 



154 ATMAN 

father (virohaya sir as tatasya tanvam mama roma&a krdhi). 1 
The same lady asks (RV. VIII. 91. 7) Indra to give her 
lustrous skin (akrnos suryatvacam) . This perhaps signifies 
Indra's capacity to cure ailments of the skin. 

Agni cures affection from poison (Vandana, Visa) of any 
kind (RV. VII. 50. 2-3). 

Often the gods are conceived as mere friends of the 
worshippers. Gods like Indra and Agni are often * called 
Sunvatas sakha, Mandayat sakhah, and Mitra. The seers 
also seek 3 the friendship (Sakhya) of the gods. The assistance 
that the gods frequently render like life-saving, helping in 
crossing rivers, restoration of lost property, can thus only be 
called friendly obligations. The story of the As'vins having 
saved Bhujya, son of Tugra, from being drowned in the ocean 
is frequently 4 told in the Rgveda. The As'vins are also said to 
have saved Dlrghatamas from a similar plight (RV. I. 158. 5). 
Atri is said to have been saved from flames by the As'vins who 
quenched it with cold water (himenagnim avarayetham) , ' and 
from the dark cavern into which he had been thrown headlong 
(rblse avanltam unninyathuh) . b The same gods extricated 
Vandana from the well (dars'ata) to which he was thrown by 
the demons, 7 and liberated the quail from the mouth of the 
dog that had seized her (dsrah mkasya vartikam amumuktam)* 

Protected by Indra, the Vasisthas hope to cross many 
rivers (apo'titaramasi)? and the deep water of the Parusnl 

! RV. VIII. 91. 5-6. 

2 RV. I. 4. 7; V. 16. land so on. 

3 RV. IV. 55. 3, for instance. 

4 RV. I. 116. 3-5 ; 117. 14-15 ; VI. 62. 6 ; VIII. 5. 22 ; X. 39. 4 etc. 

5 RV. I. 116. 8 ; V. 73. 7 j X. 39, 9. 

6 RV. VII. 68. 5 ; I. 116. 8 etc. 
7 RV. I. 116. 11, 117. 5; X. 39. 8. 
8 RV. I. 116. 14. 

9 RV. VII. 32. 27. 



CHAPTER VIII 155< 

was made fordable by Indra for King Sudasa (gadhany 
akrnot supara).* 

The gods Pusan, Indra, and As'vins are very often * 
described as having found out lost cattle, and Indra even gets 
the appellation Gavesana (RV. VIII. 17. 15). 

Most important of the solicitations of the seers from* 
their gods seems to be that which craves for the removal of 
ignorance (Maya, Tamas) and for the dawn of knowledge. The 
word Maya which occurs over eighty times in the Rgveda means 
generally the * divine power to measure or encompass ', but 
in certain contexts it means * ignorance or illusion '. So also 
though ' darkness ' is the usual meaning of Tamas, it also 
frequently means * ignorance '. The synonyms for ' knowledge ' 
in the Veda are Cetana, Sumati, Dhi, Caksas, Jyoti, Medhas, 
Tejas, Mati and Purandhi. On many an occasion Kratu and 
Saumanasya also mean * knowledge ', but the former often 
means ' action ', and the latter also means ' concord or amity '. 
Veda is another equivalent for * knowledge ', but it also means 
* wealth '. The names used in the Veda to designate the 
' knower ', or ' the possessor of knowledge ' are Vipra and 
Suri ; the former of these two words occurs nearly three 
hundred times in the Rgveda, independently as well as 
compounded, and the latter occurs over one hundred and< 
fifty tijnes. 

So much for the words denoting the several ' Wants or 
Needs ' of the Vedic seers which were fulfilled by thejr kind 
and benevolent gods. 

Considering the general trend of Rgvedic thought and* 
Rgvedic poetry, it is not quite legitimate to interpret them iiv 
a very literal way. The question centres round the attitude 

1 RV. VII. 18. 5. 
' - RV. VI. 54. 10 ; VIII. 2. 39 ; 5. 26 etc. 



156 ATMAN 

one takes towards Vedic poetry. If we take the hymns as 
mere invocations to the visible aspects of nature with a view 
to "securing the ordinary wants of life, we arrive at one con- 
clusion. But if, on the other hand, we take the poetry of the 
Rgveda to be mystic in character, and the deities propitiated 
therein to be certain powers incomprehensible to the ordinary 
intellect, but visible only to the mystic imagination % of the 
rsis, and if we understand by the rewards prayed for in these 
hymns a certain higher purpose of life, we then arrive at quite 
a different conclusion. I think that the clue that will guide 
us in choosing between these alternatives lies in the Veda itself. 
In respect of gods like Agni or Savitr, or in the case of 
Usas, a physical back-ground is more or less plain ; but the 
association with such a physical back-ground is less plain in 
the case of Indra and the Maruts. It is possible to say that 
Indra is an atmospheric god, closely related to thunder and 
lightning, marking the end of summer, and heralding rain ; 
and the association of Maruts with storm and wind is also 
too marked to be missed by any one. Still in the personifica- 
tion and these are the best personified deities there are so 
many epithets and attributes which have very little connection 
with the physical phenomena that is supposed to be at the 
back of these deities. When we come to Varuna and the 
As'vins, the connection with a physical phenomenon becomes 
. very difficult to trace ; and, in the case of Brhaspati, the 
abstraction is complete, and it is not at all certain whether 
there is any physical phenomenon of which he could be a 
personification. If Visnu can be regarded as an aspect of 
the solar deity, certain descriptions like his position being the 
highest, transcending human view and comprehensible only to 
the vision of the rsis, show that there is an element of abstrac- 
tion and idealization. It can be said of nearly every deity 



CHAPTER VIII 157 

appearing in the Rgveda that he represents something more 
than the mere physical phenomenon which comes within the 
normal experience of maij. When we take up also the con- 
sideration of the benefits which the seers prayed for from the 
gods, there are many factors that certainly come within the 
day to day wants of man for his ordinary happiness, viz., 
sons, absence of disease, long-life, destruction of enemies, 
food, dress, ornament, horses. Among the equivalents of 
'wealth', 'strength', and 'friendship', there are many words which 
may mean something subtler than what they connote taken 
literally. Thus Arka and Svah which are equivalents often 
of * wealth ', also mean very often the * shining world above ' ; 
and it is quite possible that words like Tavas, Mahas, Mahlyas 
and Ksatra which ordinarily mean ' strength ', and the word 
Sakhya which means ' friendship ', have also a deeper meaning. 
There are certain words like Gauh, which mean ' cow ' as well 
as * light ', and when we think of * light ' it does not neces- 
sarily mean the * light ' of day after dark nights, or the bright- 
ness of summer after the winter season. There is nothing to 
show that the Rgvedic Aryans prayed for the return of the 
summer season. On the other hand, they dreaded the draught 
of summer, and worshipped Indra, Parjanya and the Maruts for 

* rain '. These seers prayed also for ' knowledge '. The world 
above is full of light ; and when these things are read together 
there is a natural tendency to associate the ' light ' prayed for 
with the ' light ' of the other world, as well as with the ' light ' 
of knowledge. This craving for * knowledge ' and ' light ' is not 
an isolated instance in the Rgveda. We come across such 
things very frequently in the whole course of the text, and if 
we associate other benefits like * wealth ' and c strength ' with 

* knowledge ' and * light ', it would be found that what the 
Vedic seers prayed for is something far higher than the 



158 1TMAN 

physical needs of primitive man. And, if the various benefits 
-sought for are all understood in this way, it would be found 
that these Vedic seers have a very advanced notion about the 
Soul and its needs, during this life and after death. To 
establish that the Rgvedic Aryans believed in a Soul and in 
its permanence, in contrast with the body that is destroyed at 
the time of death, it is not necessary to search for words 
like Brahman and Atman and their synonyms. Nor is it 
proper to confine our attention to what may be called philo- 
sophical terms. It is only to point out the importance of a 
study of' the general back-ground in the Rgveda, that I give 
above an analysis of what I may call the " Wants " of the 
Rgvedic seers, in respect of their Soul as well as of their 
physical existence. 



CHAPTER IX 

RGVEDA, THE SOURCE OF UPANISADIC 
PHILOSOPHY 

HAVING considered ^o far the Vedic conception of the Soul 
and its relation to God, an attempt is made in the following 
section to show that the Upanisads present us with no new 
doctrines, and that what is contained in them is only a con- 
tinuation of the ideas found in the Rgveda, and their develop- 
ment through a process of gradual and natural evolution. 

Before dealing with the problem as such, it would not be 
out of place to consider the etyn\ology of the word Upanisad. 
The word Upanisad is used in a number of senses, and 
its exact primary meaning is still doubtful. It is usually 
derived from the root sad l to sit ', with upa and ni as affixes, 
and is translated as ' the knowledge obtained by sitting near 
(the teacher) '. In the Brahmanas, 1 the word normally de- 
notes the * secret sense ' or ' mystic import ' of a word or 
passage, and sometimes the ' secret rule ' of the mendicant. 
The Aitareya Aranyaka (III. 1. 1) commences with the title 
* The Upanisad of the Sarhhita ' (athdtas samhitdyd upanisat).* 
The Brhaddranyaka Upanisad 3 uses the word to designate a 

1 Satapatha Brahmana, X. 3. 5. 12 ; 4. 5. 1 ; 5. 1. 1. etc. 

2 This title occurs also in the Sankhayana Aranyaka, VII. 2. 
8 II. 4. 10; IV. 1. 2.; 5. 11. 



160 ATMAN 

class of writings, existing perhaps at the time, and resembling 
the Upanisads in matter as well as in manner. The sections 
of the Taittiriyopanisad always end with the words ity upani- 
sad. Among Indian writers, S'ankara understands the word 
to mean * that which destroys ignorance by revealing the 
knowledge of the Supreme Spirit and cutting off the bonds 
of worldly existence ' (ya imam brahmavidyam upayanty 
atmabhavena srraddhabhaktipurassaras santas tesdm garbha- 
janmajararogadyanarthapugam nis'atayati param va brahma 
gamayaty avidyadisamsarakaranam catyantam avasadayati 
mnasrayafi tyupanisad ; upanipurvasya saderevam artha- 
smaranat). 1 The following traditional etymologies * are alsa 
known, though the authors are anonymous : 

cWTrTR 



H 



II 

Several etymologies have been given by European scho- 
lars also. Thus, Max Mliller ' understands the word to mean 
first a ' session of pupils ', next ' implicit faith ' and last, 

1 S'ankara 's commentary on Mut^daka Upanisad, p. 9 (V. V. Press Edn.) ; 
Colebrooke, accepting this etymology of the word, feels that neither its etymology 
nor its acceptation has any direct connection with the idea of secrecy, conceal- 
ment or mystery (Miscellaneous Essays, I. 92). 

3 cited in the Vttcaspatya Kosra, p. 1222 b. 

3 History of Ancient Sanskrit Literature, pp. 318 ff. ; Macdonell, His- 
tory of Sanskrit Literature, p. 204 ; Roth and Bohtlingk, Sanskrit Worter- 
buch. I. 957. 



CHAPTER IX 161 

* truth ' or ' divine revelation '. Oldenberg l traces the use 
of the word to the earlier sense of ' worship' (upasana). 
Deussen * feels that the original sense must have been ' secret 
word ', next ' secret text ', and then * secret import '. To 
Hopkins, 3 the Upanisad denotes but a subsidiary treatise. 
But Keith 4 is right in pointing out that the evolution of 
meaning suggested by Deussen is improbable, and that Hopkins' 
view is untenable on the ground that it comes into conflict 
with the popular view which always understands the word in 
the sense of a text giving a ' secret meaning '. 

Whatever might have been the original meaning of the 
word, it is clear from the above discussion that it means some 
text which has a ' secret teaching ' to give. 

Indian tradition, which considers the Upanisads as part 
of the Vedic literature, calls them the Vedanta, i.e., the final 
portion of the Veda, the earlier portion being composed of the 
Samhitas, the Brahmanas and the Aranyakas ; the Sdmhitas 
mainly consist of hymns, prayers and spells addressed 
to the different gods, and the Brahmanas are ritualistic 
treatises whose chief purpose is to explain and indicate the 
sacrificial application of the hymns contained in the Samhi- 
tas ; the Aranyakas are texts intended to supplement the 
Brahmanas, and the Upanisads usually form the final portion 
of these texts/' so that it can safely be said that ' the 

1 Die Literatur des Alien Indien, 72; Z. D. M. G., Vol L. p. 457 ; 
Vol. LIV, p. 70 ; Die Lehre der Upanishaden, pp. 37, 348| Keith disagrees 
with Oldenberg saying that, in Upanisadic Literature, the sense mentioned by 
him is conveyed by the word upasad which is clearly distinguishable from the 
word upanisad, and that the idea of reverence or worship must have passed 
away at an early date from its original sense. (Religion and Philosophy 
of the Veda, p. 492.) 

2 Philosophy of the Upanishads, p. 16 ff. 

3 Religions of India, p. 218. 

4 Vedic Index of Names and Subjects, I. 92. 

5 The l&a Upanisad and the Sivasankalpa form part of the Vajasaneyi 
Sathhita, but they point out the exception rather than the rule. 

11 



162 ATMAN 

Brahmanas shade off imperceptibly into the Aranyakas, and 
the Aranyakas shade off into the Upanisads without violent 
change of any kind. 1 

The apparent dissimilarity, in matter as well as in manner, 
between the Upanisads and the earlier Vedic Literature, has 
made some scholars * doubt in this traditional belief 8 that 
there is a continuity of thought from the Sarhhitas down to 
the Upanisads, and also a unity of philosophical thought 
between them. These scholars imagine that, at the time when 
the Brahmins were still engaged in their sacrifices and rituals, 
there arose in the rival camp of the Ksatriyas a new but 
developed type of thought which later got the name of the 
Upanisads.* One reason that is advanced to support this 
supposition is that Upanisadic thought is incompatible with 
the spirit of the Brahmin priests who * lived by sacrifices ', 
and that this kind of thought is possible only amongst people 
whose scepticism prevented them from being in sympathy 
with sacrifices. 6 Garbe 6 is perhaps the most enthusiastic 

1 Keith, loc. cit. 

1 Garbe, B. Z. I. K. t pp, 3 ff. ; Hindu Monism, pp. 68 ff. ; Deussen, Philo- 
sophy of the Upanishads, pp. 17 ff.; Winternitz, History of Indian Literature, 
Vol. I, pp. 226 ff. ; Hertel, Indogermanische Forschungen, XU. 188 ; 
H. W. Wallis, Cosmology of the Rigveda, pp. 106 ff. 

* C. R. Lanman (Beginnings of Hindu Pantheism, p. 12) also agrees with 
this view when he says "There is no abrupt break in the course of develop- 
ment from the old brahman religion to that of the Upanisads. The men who 
saw a new light felt that they were 'not come to destroy, but to fulfill V 
Edgerton's view in this case is more pronounced when he maintains that 
* every idea contained in at least the older Upanisads with almost no exceptions, 
is not new to the Upanisads, but can be found set forth, or at least very clearly 
fore-shadowed, in the older Vedic texts ' [J.A.O.S. (1916), XXXVI. 197 ff.] ; 
For a similar view, see H. Oertel, Oriental Studies in Honour of C. E. Pavry, 
pp. 353 ff. ; Bloomfield, Religion of the Veda, pp. 220 ff. ; Keith, Religion and 
Philosophy of the Veda, pp. 493 ff. ; Contrast S. Radhakrishnan (Indian 
Philosophy , I. 72) where he says "Some of the hymns shock us by their 
highly abstract philosophising, and from primitive polytheism to systematic 
philosophy it is a long, long way." 

4 Winternitz, op. cit. t p. 231 ; Deussen, op. cit., p. 17. 

5 Winternitz, loc. cit. 

6 Garbe, op. cit., cited by Bloomfield, loc. cit. t where he refutes the view 
in an excellent manner. 



CHAPTER IX 163 

advocate of this view. Disgusted as he is with the intolerable 
pretensions and tyrannies practised by the priests in Brah- 
manical India, he can consider the Brahmin priest proficient 
only at " excogitating sacrifice after sacrifice, and hair- 
splitting definitions and explanations of senseless ritualistic 
hocus-pocus. All at once lofty thought appears on the scene. 
To be sure, even then the traditional god-lore, sacrificial-lore, 
and folk-lore are not rejected, but the spirit is no longer 
satisfied with the cheap mysteries that (surround the sacri- 
ficial altar. A passionate desire to solve the riddle of the 
universe and its relation to the own self holds the mind 
captive ; nothing less will satisfy henceforth." The Brahmins 
by themselves are bold bad men who were too stupid to have 
worked their way ' from the sandy wastes of ritualism to the 
green summits where grows the higher thought of India/ 
and the birth of philosophy in India is due to the endeavours 
of the Ksatriyas rather than to that of the Brahmins. The 
Ksatriyas revolted from the sacrifice and introduced a monist 
philosophy centring in the idea of Brahman, presumably 
appropriated by them, with a curious sense of humour, from 
their rivals. 1 , 

Hertel 2 advocates the same view on the ground that 
the Ksatriyas are the rationalists of the Upanisadic age 
who, unable to believe in the old Vedic gods, substituted 
instead the idea of nature powers, called by them faute de 
mieux, and propounded a philosophy which was essentially a 
monism, atheistic, materialistic, and morally indifferent. 
Granting that this is a fact, it has to be doubted whether, 

1 Keith, op. cit., p. 494; Keith rightly points out here that no where do 
we hear of the common populace demanding a monist philosophy. 

2 Op. cit. t cited by Keith, op. cit. t p. 494 ; H. W. Wallis (op. cit. t p. 108). 
though accepting that the Ksatriyas are responsible for the birth of philosophy 
in India, does not favour the view that these people had a hostile spirit in them 
when they brought their mystic philosophy. 



164 ATMAN 

by this reasoning, Hertel is really complimenting the Ksatriyas 
whom he is seen so anxious to praise. 

Revolutions are exceptional phenomena of very rare 
occurrence, more so especially in the realm of thought, and it 
is always very difficult to believe in the sudden evolution of a 
new idea or a doctrine. Still greater is this difficulty if the 
birth of a lofty conception should be attributed to the influence 
3f a people who, by nature, show the least relation with such 
i kind of avocation. Of such a nature is the above assertion 
that philosophic speculation in India took birth among the 
Ksatriyas rather than the Brahmins. 1 It is difficult to under- 
stand how the Ksatriyas, whose primary duty is to wield 
weapons in war, could have the tendency to resort to philo- 
sophic speculation, and how they were more fitted to indulge 
in this than the Brahmins. Philosophic reflection has a nearer 
connection with brahminhood rather than royalty. The Rgveda 
ind the philosophical portions of the Atharvaveda contain the 
germs of almost all the conceptions that form the basis of 
Upanisadic thought. The Yajurveda which is purely liturgical in 
character, gives unprecedented importance to Prajapati whose 
description in this Samhita points him out as the clear precursor 
of the later Upanisadic Brahman. Nor is it right to think that 
the sacrifices taught in the Brahmanas are opposed to the 
idea of philosophic speculation. Belief in the importance of 
of sacrifices, which is necessarily followed by the conviction 
that the godly sacrificers attain heaven, while the unbelieving 

1 Similar in nature is the attempt to attribute Buddhism and Sankhya 
philosophy to Ksatriyas; see V. A. Smith, Oxford History of India, p, 47 
where he feels 'that Buddhism originated among Ksatriyas of Mongolian 
origin ; and Garbe (S&mkhya Philosophic, p. 5 ff.) who lays stress on the 
unbrahmanical character of the Sankhya philosophy, and attributes it to the 
influence of the Ksatriyas. Pargiter's (Ancient Indian Historical Tradi- 
tions, p. 58 ff.) attempt to prove that there are two distinct types of tradition 
traceable in ancient India, one of the Brahmins and the other of the Ksatriyas, 
is also an attempt in the same direction. 



CHAPTER IX 165 

non-sacrificers and the vicious fall into hell, represents but an 
early stage in the evolution of human thought. When the 
seers later realised the inadequacy of a retribution after death 
which is just rather than merciful, rigorous rather than educa- 
tive, they evolved, in course of time, in the Upanisadic period, 
the theory of Karma and Transmigration which, far from 
being the theory oL a pessimistic people, is the result of the 
healthy reflection of thoughtful minds. 1 Garbe a feels that the 
theory of Transmigration originated among the Ksatriyas as a 
necessary corollary of their monistic philosophy in the Upani- 
sadic age, and that the Brahmins, pressed by popular opinion, 
later incorporated it into their creed. But this view cannot 
be accepted because it is clear that the kernel of this theory is 
already found in the Samhitas, the Brahmanas and the Aranya- 
kas, and that it was left to the Upanisadic seers only to con- 
solidate and develop the eschatological conceptions of* the 
earlier period. 3 There are, therefore, surer grounds to hold 
that there is a gradual development of thought from the time 
of the Samhitas down to that of the Upanisads, than to in- 
dulge in such unsupportable conjectures as the sudden 
appearance of the latter kind of thought among the Ksatriyas. 
The so-called textual evidence for this theory which is 
often claimed is also not quite sound. Deussen bases his con- 
elusion on the following stories found in the Upanisads : The 
Chandogya Upanisad (V. 11 ff.) narrates the story how five 

1 For a vindication of this view, see my paper, The Message of the Theory 
,o/ Karma in the Aryan Path, Vol. XI, pp. 603 ff. 

2 Keith, op. cit., p. 494 ; that the Upanisads teach a monistic philosophy is 
not certain. A careful study of them shows that they represent no single uni- 
fied system, but a set of unconnected views held by the diverse thinkers of the 
time; cf. F. Edgerton, J.A.O.S. (1916), p. 197, where he says that the 
Upanisads, as a whole, proclaim no philosophical system, nor anything that 
even remotely resembles a single unified philosophical system. The same 
^opinion is expressed by R. E. Hume, Thirteen Principal Upanishads, p. 9. 

3 See infra.. 



166 ATMAN 

Brahmins, who first solicited Uddalaka Aruni to instruct them? 
concerning Atman Vais'vanara, went with the latter on his- 
expressing his inability to answer them, to King As'vapati 
Kaikeya who, however, did not fail to satisfy their demands. 
The same Upanisad elsewhere ' speaks of two Brahmins who 
were instructed by King Pravahana Jaivali concerning Akas'a, 
as the ultimate substratum of all things. In another tract 2 
of this Upanisad, w T e are told that this instruction had been 
previously imparted by Atidhanvan to Udaras'andilya, but 
Deussen would conjecture 3 even here, on the basis of names, 
that it is a Ksatriya that imparts instruction to a Brahmin. 
Still another context 4 of this Upanisad gives the story of 
how 'Narada approaches Sanatkumara, and how the latter, 
on hearing the former recount all that he had learnt till then, 
pronounces all that as a study in name (namaiva etat). The 
Brhadaranyaka Upanisad (II. 1.) likewise 5 gives the story of 
Balaki Gargy who, offering before King Ajatas'atru to ex- 
pound the doctrine of Brahman, is able to give only twelve 
definitions all of which are pointed out to be erroneous by the 
King who later instructs him in the proper doctrine. The 
King is stated here to preface his teaching with the remark 
that it is against the rule that the doctrine of Brahman should 
be explained by a Ksatriya to a Brahmin who approaches him 
in the capacity of a pupil. The doctrine of Transmigration 6 
is said to have been propounded by Pravahana Jaivali in the 
form of a teaching to Aruni. The King says here to the 

1 1. 8 ff. 

2 I. 9. 3. 

3 Op. cit., p. 18. 

4 Chap. VII., 

6 The Kau sit aki Upanisad (Chap. IV.) has a parallel passage. 

* Chandogya Upanisad, V. 3 ff. ; Brhadaranyaka Upanisad, V. 2 ; the 
Kau$itaki Upanisad (I) has slight variations. 



CHAPTER IX 167 

Brahmin " Because, as you have told me, O Gautama, this 
doctrine has never up to the present time been in circulation 
among the Brahmins, therefore in all the worlds the govern- 
ment has remained in the hands of the warrior caste ". 

King Ajatas'atru's remark in the fourth story that it is 
contrary to the rule that a Brahmin should go as a pupil to a 
Ksatriya cannot be an evidence to prove that Upanisadic 
speculation was the monopoly of the Ksatriyas. It proves, on 
the contrary, that such discourses are proper only to Brahmins 
and that it was very rarely that a Ksatriya commanded such a 
knowledge. 1 If Sanatkumara pointed out that all non-Upani- 
sadic knowledge possessed by Narada was of no use, it is 
possible to infer only that non-Upanisadic knowledge compar- 
ed with that pertaining to the Upanisads is useless. Surely, 
this story cannot point out that Upanisadic thought is the 
prerogative of the Ksatriyas in so far as it is Sanatkumara 
who propounds the Brahmavidyd. Pravahana Jaivali's con- 
cluding remark to Aruni that the doctrine of Transmigration 
was till then unknown to the Brahmins and that the Ksatriyas 
were hence supreme, must be taken in its true perspective* 
Seeing that royalty can have no natural connection with the 
theory of Karma, and that the germs of the latter theory are 
clearly found in the earlier Vedic literature, this boastful 
utterance cannot merit any serious attention. 

Winternitz 2 draws in the evidence of the following 
stories from the Brahmanas and Upanisads in this context. 

1 cf . Kumarila who observes that the teaching of Buddha cannot command 
confidence, because he is a Ksatriya and is transgressing his dhartna in his 
attempt to teach, which is essentially the privilege of the Brahmin [Saky&di* 
vacanttni. . . . buddh&dibhih pranitani . . . ; svadharmfitikramena 
ca yena. katriyena sata pravaktrtvapratigrahau pratipannau sa dharmam 
aviplutam upadeksyatt ti kah samtts'V&sah [Tantravffrtika on Jaimini 
I. 3. 2., p. 195 (Anandasrama Edn.).l 

2 Op. cit. t pp. 227 if. 



168 ATMAN 

In the Kausltakl Brahmana (XXVI. 5), King Pratardana con- 
verses with the priests concerning the sacrificial science, 
In the S'atapatha Brahmana (XI), the story is told how 
King Janaka confounded all the priests by his knowledge and 
how Yajnavalkya who was one of them, later approached 
Janaka for instruction. In the Upanisads, Satyakama of 
dubious parentage was instructed in the highest knowledge, 1 
and Brahmins like Gautama, father pf Svetaketu, and Udda- 
laka Aruni, are spoken of as being instructed by Ksatriyas like 
King Pravahana Jaivali and As'vapati. The fact that numerous 
references are thus available to point out that not merely 
Ksatriyas and other non-brahmanical races, but also women 
like Gargi and Maitreyl were connected with the intellectual 
life and literary activity of ancient times, and the fact that 
very often the Ksatriyas are spoken of as the teachers of 
Brahmins in some of the most intricate doctrines of the Upani- 
sads, is sufficient proof for Winternitz to conclude that " while 
the Brahmins were pursuing their barren sacrificial science, 
other circles were already engaged upon those highest ques- 
tions which were at last treated so admirably in the Upani- 
ads." 2 The story of Satyakama cannot prove Winternitz's 
proposition. We are told that Gautama who is approached by 
Satyakama for instruction consents to do so only after he has 
made sure that his would-be pupil is a Brahmin. Satyakama 
is unable to give his gotra, the surest identification of a Brah- 
min, but is at least honest enough to narrate faithfully what 
his mother told him about his birth. Gautama is convinced 
that Satyakama must be a Brahmin because he has been 
truthful, and accepts him as a pupil with the remark " No 
one but a true Brahmin would thus speak out. Go and fetch 

1 Chsndogya Upanisad, IV. 4. 
*Op.<*it.> p. 231. 



CHAPTER IX 169 

fuel, my boy, and I shall initiate you. You have not swerved 
from the truth ". Does not this story point out that only 
Brahmins were entitled for instruction in the highest know- 
ledge in these times, because of their uprightness which was 
unparalleled ? The other stories, no doubt, prove that the 
Ksatriyas and others were connected with the literary activity 
of the time, but it is too much to conclude on their basis that 
the Ksatriyas were the sole custodians of this kind of thought. 
The Upanisads themselves speak very often of certain Brahmin 
thinkers who proved themselves immeasurably supreme to the 
Ksatriyas. There is perhaps no Ksatriya in the entire Upani- 
sadic age who can rival Yajnavalkya in eminence. The 
influential position occupied by this sage at the court of 
King Janaka is alluded to very often in the Upanisads, and 
one portion of the Brhaddranyaka Upanisad is denominated 
the Yajnavalkyakanda, as specially celebrating the victorious 
exploits of Yajnavalkya over his contemporary rivals. 1 Such 
is the enthusiasm of King Janaka when he felt himself 
over-powered by the brilliance with which Yajnavalkya 
expounded Brahman, that he cries out " Here, O Yajna 
valkya, is my kingdom, and here am I at your service." 2 
The Maitri Upanisad (I. 1 ff.) records the story of King 
Brhadratha who, filled with remorse, went to the sage Saka- 
yana, and implored him to help him out of the world of 
existence. 

Many of the stories mentioned above do speak of 
Brahmins being outwitted by Ksatriyas and of getting instruc- 
tion at their hands. The authority of the stories cannot be 
denied, though it can be pointed out that even these cannot 
prove that Upanisadic thought was monopolized by the 

1 cf . Max Miiller, History of Ancient Sanskrit Literature, p. 329. 

2 Brhadaranyaka Upanisad, IV, 2. 4. 



170 ATMAN 

Ksatriyas. 1 If the accounts given of Brahmins being defeated in> 
debate at the hands of Ksatriyas can be used to prove that the 
latter were the sole custodians of Upanisadic thought, the 
stories which speak of the honour paid by Ksatriyas to 
Brahmins as in the case of Janaka and Yajnavalkya can be 
adduced to prove the contrary. The fact that definite eviden- 
ces are available of Brahmins being engaged in literary acti- 
vities from very early times is an additional evidence to 
support the latter proposition, and the conclusion is inevitable 
that the Brahmins were as much the originators of this kind 
of thought as the Ksatriyas, 

Further, we must understand all these stories in their 
true perspective. If there had been any kind of opposition 
between the Brahmins with their ritualism and the Ksatriyas 
with their philosophic insight, why should these Brahmins be 
the very people who record the contents of the Upanisads in 
literary form, accept them as a homogeneous part of their 
Veda, and preserve them with as much enthusiasm as the 
portions dealing with sacrifices ? No one can deny the inti- 
mate connection of Upanisadic thought with the peace and 
quiet of the As'ramas in the forest which were the habitations 
of Brahmins and not of Ksatriyas. No one has till now con- 
tended that the sacrificial systems were evolved in the quiet 
atmosphere of the forests, and that the monistic doctrines 
were evolved in the buzzle and confusion of political life of 
palaces and cities, and in the atmosphere of terror and 
slaughter of the battle-fields. Further, the Ksatriyas were the 
greatest patrons of the sacrifices conducted by the Brahmins, 
just as the Brahmin rsis were the most faithful propagandists 
of philosophic monism supposed to have been evolved by 
Ksatriyas. Looked at in this way, the theory of a conflict 
1 cf. P. V. Kanb, History of Dharma&astra, II. 106 ff. 



CHAPTER IX 171 

between the Brahmins and Ksatriyas has absolutely no foun- 
dation except in the imagination of a few scholars who are 
obsessed by the conflict of orthodox church and philosophic 
thought in Europe. 

Perhaps we have to read in these stories some kind of 
allegory. We cannot completely ignore the stories and they 
must have some significance. Although the doctrine was 
evolved by the contemplative mind of persons living in the 
seclusion of the forests, it is not separable from the 
actualities of life, that is, living in the world with the Ksatriyas 
as the centre of such life. In the midst of the differences 
and quarrels that dominate the life around the Ksatriyas, the 
unity of life has a far greater significance than in the peaceful 
life surrounding the Brahmins. The stories regarding the 
Upanisadic doctrines being known more among Ksatriyas than 
among Brahmins may have only this allegorical significance. 

If Upanisadic thought should thus be the logical deve- 
lopment of the earlier speculations of the Brahmins, it may 
be asked how the Ksatriyas came to gain so much proficiency 
in it. The question is easily x answered. The Upanisadic age 
was a tirpe when the courts of princes served as the debating 
halls wher^erudite but indigent Brahmins exhibited their skill 
in philosophical discourses and obtained their livelihood as 
the reward., Janaka, on seeing Yajnavalkya enter his court, asks 
him what brought him there, whether it was the need of cattle 
or of subtle discussion, and the latter replies that he was in 
dire need of both. 1 It is quite possible that each prince who 
was the witness of many a debate of this kind was quite conver- 
sant with many an intricate point in philosophy. We thus hear 
of King Janaka tell Yajnavalkya, when the latter came to him 
to demonstrate his skill, that Jit van S'aivalini told him that 

1 Brhad&ranyaka (Jpanisad, IV. 1. 



172 ATMAN 

vdk is Brahman, that according to Udanka S'aulbayana, prana 
is so, cakstis according to Barku Varsna, s'rotra according to 
Gardabhlvipita Bharadvaja and so on. 1 Princes like these 
who had opportunities of learning by listening and witnessing, 
may naturally have proved superior to many a Brahmin thinker 
who tried to expound his own theory. This explains the 
accounts given of many Brahmin thinkers who are reported to 
have been confounded by Ksatriyas. 

The safest conclusion in this respect is, therefore, that 
while sacrifices and other rituals were restricted to men, and, 
among them, to Brahmins, Ksatriyas and other non-brahmanical 
Braces, and even women, were allowed to participate in philoso- 
phical discussions, 3 and that, in Upanisadic times, as in modern 
days, intellectual activity was thrown open to all irrespective 
of caste or sex. 



1 ibid. 

3 See supra, p. 49 n, ; cf. R. D. Ranade, Constructive Survey of 
Upanishadic Philosophy, pp. 61 ff. ; Das Gupta, History of Indian Philo- 
sophy, I. 34 ff. ; R. K. Mookerji, Men and Thought in Ancient India, 
pp. 23-26. 



CHAPTER X 

TRANSMIGRATION TRACED TO THE 
RGVEDA 

WITH most scholars who have had occasion to compare early 
Vedic thought with the Ufianisads, the tendency is to come to 
the conclusion that the spirit permeating the two periods is 
entirely different : the Vedic Indian is quite fond of the world 
he lives in, while the Upanisadic seer has come to realize that 
the rosy bush of life is after all full of thorns which do not fail 
to sting the unwary man who may rush to seize the beautiful 
flower. The doctrine of Transmigration is also considered to fit 
in more with the trend of the idea pervading the Upanisads 
than with the spirit of healthy joy of earthly life which is 
conspicuous in the Sarhhita period, and the view has beea 
repeatedly expressed l that the Vedic seers are not at all 
familiar with the twin conception of Karma and Transmigra- 
tion. In the present section this view is examined, and an 
attempt has been made to prove that it is wrong to think that 
the theory of Transmigration rose up all of a sudden in the 

1 Winternitz, History of Indian Literature, I. 78 ff. ; A. Kaegi, Rigveda, 
p. 71 ; M. Phillips, Teaching of the Vedas, p. 169 ; A. A. Macdonell, History 
of Sanskrit Literature, pp. 387 ff. ; Lectures on Comparative Religion, 
p. 61, 67 ; V. S. Ghate, Lectures on the Rigveda, p. 161 ; Keith, Religion and 
Philosophy of the Veda, II. 570 ff. ; Bloomfield, Religion of the Veda, 
pp. 254 ff. Contrast E. W. Hopkins, Ethics of India, p. 44 n, 



174 ITMAN 

Upanisadic period, and that the germs of this doctrine are 
clearly seen even in the Rgveda. 

The views that have been hitherto brought forward 
regarding the origin of the doctrine of Transmigration can be 
broadly divided ^into two classes : the first, which denies the 
origin of this doctrine in Vedic literature, attempts to seek its 
origin afnong the aboriginal inhabitants of India ; and the 
second less extremist in character is insistent upon finding the 
traces of the doctrine in the early stages of Vedic belief alone. 
Two tendencies are perceptible among the followers of the 
latter view ; some of them feel that it is inconsistent to think 
that the eschatology of the Samhita period admits of a belief 
in this theory also, and hence trace the origin of the doctrine 
of Transmigration to the Brahmanas ; but others who are less 
conservative in nature feel that, if not these two doctrines in 
entirety, at least the conceptions that later led to the formulation 
of the theory of Transmigration, are all clearly seen even in the 
early stages of Vedic belief, that is to say, even in the Samhitas. 

Macdonell 1 and other exponents of the first view feel that 
it is impossible to think that the Vedic Indians, whose attitude 
towards life was joyous and optimistic, could formulate a theory 
like the doctrine of Transmigration, which is so thoroughly 
opposed to their creed. But the fact is undeniable that, as 
early as the sixth cent. B. C. when Buddhism arose, the 
doctrine of Transmigration was, in its full-fledged form, 
already established on a sure foundation. These scholars, 
therefore, feel that the Aryan settlers might have received 
" the first impulse in this direction from the aboriginal in- 
habitants of India." Feeling, however, that among these 
aboriginal races " the notion of Transmigration does not go 
beyond a belief in the continuance of human existence in 
1 A. A* Macdonell, loc, cit. 



CHAPTER X 175 

animals and trees ",- Macdonell and others modify, a little, 
their statement that the Aryans might have borrowed the 
doctrine of Transmigration from the savage tribes. While 
they would hold that the theory of Transmigration is an alien 
doctrine, borrowed by the Aryans from the aboriginal tribes, 
they would also add that the Aryans " certainly deserve the 
credit of having elaborated out of it the theory of an unbroken 
chain of existences, intimately connected with the moral 
principle of requital." 

In direct opposition to the above view, we have the 
opinion of another band of scholars who maintain that it is 
more natural to expect and to seek the origin of this doctrine 
in the beginnings of Indian belief, rather than to indulge in 
such stray fancies as the influence of the aboriginal neigh- 
bours upon the Vedic Aryans. These scholars are convinced 
that, even though it may not be possible to find in the earlier 
Vedic texts, the doctrine of Transmigration in its full-fledged 
form, it is still possible to seek therein definitely the various 
conceptions that led to the formulation of the theory. Weber 
and Deussen think that the real beginnings of the doctrine of 
Transmigration are to be seen only in the Brahmanas, and 
that belief in this theory is inconsistent with the spirit of early 
Vedic eschatology. 1 And other scholars, 2 hold that a gradual 
growth of the doctrine can be traced even from the period of 
the Sarhhitas. But both, however, start with the conviction 

that it is fantastic to consider that the doctrine of Transmi- 

< 

gration has been borrowed from the aboriginal tribes. 

It has been indisputably accepted that the locus classicus 
of the doctrine of Transmigration is to be found only in the 

1 Z.D.M.G., IX. 243, 308, cited by Muir, Original Sanskrit Texts, 
Vol. V, pp. 322-23 ; and Deussen, Philosophy of the Upanishads, p. 32. 

2 C. Kunhan Raja, Cultural Heritage of India. I. 29-31; also R. D. 
Ranade, op. cit.. p. 146 f. 



176 ATMAN 

Upanisads, and that the Upanisadic theory has evolved ir* 
various forms in popular literature, in the Epics, in the 
Bhagavadglta, and in the sacred texts of the Buddhists and 
the Jains. 1 i 

It may look at the very outset that belief in the theory 
of Transmigration is incompatible with the spirit of early 
Vedic Religion which teems with optimism. A spirit of 
healthy joy in the life on earth seems to be the leading 
characteristic of the religion of the early Aryans. If they 
worshipped the great gods, it was not immortality or Heaven 
that was their aim ; they craved for a long Itfe of a hundred 
autumns, for heroic sons, and for cattle (RV. IV. 50. 6). 
1 May we live for a hundred autumns ' is the oft-repeated boon 
that the Vedic people desire from their propitious gods. 
(RV. VII. 66. 16 d). 

Nor were they afraid to die, for; even after death, they 
went to a place which was not uncovetable. Their ancestors, 
who went long back (RV. X. 14. 2) had prepared for them 
another place which was more joyous. Yama was the first to 
die (RV. X. 14. 2), and consequently, perhaps, he is the ruler 
of the dead (RV. X. 16. 9). He has found a dwelling in the 
highest Heaven, and to this place, Yama, the assembler of 
people* (RV. X. 14. 1), admits all the dead. Here the dead 
man obtains a resting place (RV. X. 14. 9), when recognised 
by Yama as his own (AV. XVIII. 2. 37). The dead man 
traverses by the well-,trodden path and reaches the abode of 
Yama, who sits beside a tree engaged in an everlasting bout 
with the gods (RV. X. 135. 1.) To this party the new-comer 
is a welcome guest (RV. X. 14. 8 ; X. 16. 5). The moment 

1 E. W. Hopkins, J. R. A. S. (1906), pp. 581 ff. ; (1907), pp. 668 ff, ; 
Louis De la Valle Poussin, Legacy of India, Ed. G. T. Garratt, p. 167; M. 
Barth, Religions of India, p. 147. 



CHAPTER X 177 

the dead man enters this abode, his true home, he shakes off 
all his imperfections. He overcomes old age and other bodily 
frailties* He is united with a glorious body and passes a life 
of eternal enjoyment (RV. X. 14. 10). He has entered a 
place where there are no lame or crooked of limb, and where 
the weak are no longer subject to pay tribute to the strong 
(AV. III. 29. 3). It is a * land overflowing with milk and 
honey,' where there is eternal light arid variety of enjoyment* 
where all people are equal and where pleasure is unrestrained. 
Heaven, therefore, is, to the Vedic people, no more than ' a 
glorified world of material joys.' l 

So much for the destiny of the righteous. We will now 
consider the destiny of the wicked. If the virtuous people 
got Heaven as their reward after death, it is natural for us to 
expect some abode after death to those whose conduct on 
earth was wicked. There is no specific mention in the Rgveda 
of any such abode for the wicked, and, if there are a few 
subtle references, we can only say with Macdonell that * the 
evidence cannot be said to go beyond showing belief in a Hell 
as an underground darkness.' 2 This does not mean that the 
Vedic Aryans considered sin very lightly. 

The sinner was always detected and punished even while 
living on earth. Varuna stands out as the custodian of Justice, 
watching the conduct of people and setting his spies every- 
where for the purpose. As a reminder and punishment of sin, 
Varuna is described as inflicting disease. A member of the 
family of Vasistha w r as fettered with disease (pas'a) and the 
wise assured him that he must be a sinner, because his illness 
was proof that Varuna, who hates sin, was angry with him. 

1 A. A. Macdonell, Vedic Mythology, p. 168 ; cf. supra, p. 54 ff., 79 fi.+ 
for a fuller account of the Vedic Heaven. 

8 Ibid., p. 169. ; for a fuller discussion on this subject, see infra. 
12 



178 ATMAN 

The stanza (RV. VII. 89. 2), seems to refer to dropsy as the 
favourite infliction of Varuna. 1 The victim supplicates for, 
mercy that he may be relieved of the disease and saved 

from death 
i 

" Since like one tottering I move, 

O Slinger, like inflated skin, 

Be gracious, Mighty Lord, and spare." 

We, therefore, see that the Rgvedic seers seem to be 
content with the punishment on earth for sin, for in the 
Rgveda there is no specific mention of Hell as of Heaven. 
The Atharvaveda speaks, however, of the house below, the 
abode of female goblins and sorceresses (AV. II. 14. 3) called 
Narakaloka (AV. XII. 4. 36), in contrast with Svargaloka, 
the Heavenly world, the realm of Yama. 

And in the simple eschatology of the early Vedic Aryans, 
it would be inconsistent to attempt to find traces of belief in 
the doctrine of Transmigration. But still, however superfluous 
and absurd such an attempt may be, the attempt to seek in 
early Vedic eschatology, the genesis of the doctrine of Trans- 
migration would not be so ridiculous. A careful study of the 
early Vedic beliefs is capable of showing that, at least with 
the conceptions that later led to the formulation of the theory 
of Transmigration, the Vedic poets were not unfamiliar. 

The doctrine of Transmigration is a complex conception, 
and while it involves within it more than one doctrine, there also 
exist a few doctrines which are presupposed by it. An attempt 
at an analysis of the doctrine would make this clear. When 
the doctrine of Transmigration holds that the individual is 
reborn after death and exists in other corporeal forms, deter- 

1 cf . Aitareya Brahmana, VII. 33., where Varuna inflicts dropsy 
on Haris'candra for breaking his promise. 



CHAPTER X 179 

mined by his deeds on earth, it involves within it the Karma 
doctrine that every man must reap what he has sown, and 
that every action on earth shall have its result. The doctrines 
presupposed by it are the eternality of the Soul, its continued 
existence even though its present body is destroyed, and that 
the Soul is the doer and sufferer. 

We will examine if we can find in the early stages of 
Vedic belief a knowledge of any of these conceptions, and if we 
should be successful in such an attempt, there can be no 
hesitation in asserting that the genesis of the doctrine of 
Transmigration can be traced to the early Aryan texts. Prof. 
R. D. Ranade cites hymns 1 from the I and X Mandalas of the 
Rgveda to show that " -the three chief moments in the idea of 
Transmigration viz., the passage of the Soul from the body, 
its habitation in other forms of existence like the plants or 
the waters, and even its return to the human form, are all 
implicitly found even so far back as the times of the Rgveda." 2 

One verse (X. 14. 8) in the Rgveda seems to speak of 
a return to this world after enjoying the fruits of good deeds 
in the world of the manes : 3 

\ 



It is usual to translate the word ehi in this verse by 
' go back ', but it ought really to be rendered by ' come here ' 
which seems to be the natural meaning of the word in its 
numerous occurrences in the Rgveda. Moreover, it is difficult 
to find another context in the Rgveda where heaven is called 
the home of the Soul. Nor can it be said that this verse cannot 

1 RV. I. 164. 31 ; X. 16. 3 ; 58. 1-12. 
J R. D. Ranade, op. cit. t pp. 147-52. 
1 C. Kunhan Raja, op. cit. t p. 31. 



180 ATMAN 

possibly speak of a return to the world after death because 
the doctrine of Transmigration is unknown to the Rgvedic 
Aryans, for this would be to argue in a circle. 

One other stanza in the Rgveda also deserves considera* 
tion in this context. It runs as follows : 



: n l 

Griffith translates this stanza as follows : 

" He, born afresh, is new and new for-ever; ensign of 
days, he goes before the mornings. Coming, he orders for 
the gods their portion ; the Moon prolongs the days of our 
existence." 

It is clear that, in this stanza, the Moon is described, 
and that the Vedic poet seems to think that the disappearance 
of the Moon on the New-Moon day is only because he is dead. 
And when the Moon is visible the next day, the seer says 
that the dead Moon is rebofn. From this, the inference is 
inevitable that the Vedic poets did have an idea of survival 
after death and repeated rebirths, and that this may be a sort 
of imagery of human fate ascribed to the Moon. Only, we 
have no evidence to say that they believed that this rebirth 
had any connection with Karma. ' 

The Brahmaiias seem to go a step further. It is their 
aim to prescribe- rituals and, while they reward him that 
accomplishes, they do not hesitate to punish him that omits. 
The S'atapatha Brahmana says " For whatever food a man 
eats in this world, by the very same is he eaten again 

1 RV. X. 85. 19 ; found also in AV. VII. 81, 2 ; XIV. 1. 24 ; and Maitra- 
yanlya Sam hit 3, p. 181. 5. 



CHAPTER X 181 

(pratyatti) in the other "} In another place the same 
Brahmana says : " For indeed they place him on the balance 
in yonder world ; and whichever of the two sinks down, that 
will he follow, whether it be the good or the evil." 2 State- 
ments like these which speak of inevitable retribution are 
abundant in the Brahmanas. The immediate inference that 
is inevitable from such statements, is that the Brahmanas 
knew that each act on earth has its result, whether it is good 
or bad, and the doer must suffer for it. Only, it is not 
specified in these texts how the man is punished. 

A similar idea occurs in the Taittiriya Aranyaka also, 
where it is stated that the odour of a man's virtuous act 
spreads in all directions, as is the fragrance of a full-blown 
blossom, when it is wafted by~the wind. (Yathd vrksasya 
sampuspitasya durad gandho vati evam punyasya karmanah 
gandho vati). 3 Here also, as in the Brahmanas, the idea 
prevails that a man must suffer the consequence of his 
deeds. 

From what we have seen so far, we find that, in the texts 
earlier than the Upanisads, we have the idea of survival 
in other bodily forms existing unconnected with the theory 
of Karma, and the theory of Karma existing unconnected 
with the idea of survival in other corporeal forms. Almost 
all the material that is necessary for the formulation of the 
conception of Transmigration seems to be available in the earlier 
texts, and there is every likelihood that the Upanisadic seers 
might have been led to consolidate all these floating concep- 
tions to formulate the theory of Transmigration which forms, 
sven to this day, the leading gospel of an entire nation. 

1 Satapatha Brahmana, XII. 9. 1. 1 ; S.B.E., Vol. XLIV, p. 260. 
3 Ibid.. XI. 2. 7. 33. ; S.B.E., Vol. XLIV, p. 45. 
3 Taittiriya Aranyaka, X. 9. 



182 ATMAN 

There seems to be, therefore, no justification to the view 
which denies the indigenous origin of the doctrine of Transmig- 
ration, and which holds that it is un-Aryan in origin and 
that it was borrowed by the Vedic Aryans from their abori- 
ginal neighbours. Instead of rushing to such unsupportable 
conclusions, there appears to be greater justification in holding 
that the doctrine of Transmigration has its origin among the 
Aryans themselves, though its locus classicus cannot be 
accurately found in any text earlier than the Brahmanas or the 
Upanisads. 



CHAPTER XI 

SIN AND HELL AS UNDERSTOOD 
IN THE VEDA 

TILL now we had to do with the happy side of the Vedic 
views regarding life and death. The relationship between 
these seers and their gods was considered, as also the intima- 
tions of immortality in the Vedic period. The Vedic concep- 
tion of Heaven, which is the world to which the virtuous 
among them went after death, was also discussed. The 
various views which these people had regarding Sin, and 
the punishment conceived by them for the wicked among 
them, forms the subject now for study. 

From simple worshippers of the personified forces of 
Nature like the Vedic Aryans, it may not be possible to 
expect a theory of Virtue and Vice which is either elaborate 
or complicated. The virtuous, to them, are the godly men, 
piously devoted to the gods, and those others whose conduct 
on earth has been commendable. The godly men desire to 
go after death to the highest world of Visnu and enjoy 
there for ever. 1 The Rbhus and the Angirases, and Maruts, 
who were originally ordinary mortals, attained divinity and 
immortality respectively, through their special prowess. 2 The 

1 RV. 1.22. 20, 21 ; I. 154. 5. 

* RV. III. 60. 3 \ IV. 35. 8 ; X. 62. 1 ; I. 85. 7. 



184 ATMAN 

frequent descriptions 1 of the seers guarding the Sun are 
possibly, as Keith a says, an allusion to the idea that the 
stars are the souls of the Holy dead, for the Sun is often 
spoken of as the home of the fathers. As for the ordinary 
mortal, whose merit only is his virtue and nothing else, his 
destiny lies in the world of Yama, in whose company and 
that of his ancestors he can revel. As a result of his istapurta, 
he takes up here a fresh body, rid of all human infirmi- 
ties, and one as befits a resident in Yama's Heaven. We 
also hear of the fathers (pitarali) who lead the life of 
the gods themselves for, with them they feast (RV. VII. 76. 4) 
and with them are invited to partake of the offerings given 
by their descendants on earth (RV. X. 14. 5). Some of the fathers 
who come to the sacrifice after being thus invited, are said 
to rejoice in the call svaha in common with the gods, while 
others rejoice with the call svadha (RV. X. 14. 3). Like the 
gods, they go to the sacrifice full of gifts (RV, X, 15. 10, 11), 
and like them, they forgive sins of their earthly descendants 
(RV. X. 15. 6). 

So much for the nature and destiny of the virtuous. 
In the view of the Vedic poets, the wicked are those who 
do not worship the customary gods (adevcryuh), who are 
averse to prayer (brahmadvisah), who are irreligious (avratah, 
apavratah), and who offer no oblations (asunvatah, ara- 
tayah, aprnatah), and no prayer (as'asah). The Raksasas, 
the Dasyus and the Phajlic worshippers (s'is'nadevSh) , the 
worshippers of ' mad ' gods (muradev&h), and the Kimldins 
(sceptics), who did not accept the Vedic Gods, also belong 
to the same category. Various kinds of penalty are men- 
tioned for all these offenders. Agni is requested to withhold 

1 RV. X. 107. 7 ; 154. 5. 
XI. 843 ff. 



CHAPTER XI 185 

his favour from the two godless persons, the^ich man who, 
not acknowledging Agni as the Lord, is chary of gifts 3}t 
sacred rites (aninasya prahose ararusah dhaninah) and the 
man who rarely praises the gods (kadacana prajigatah), 1 to 
vex those who have no thought of worshipping him (ararusah 
tapa), 2 to burn like a dry twig the man who does not worship 
(aratim . . . dhaksi atasam na s'uskam)? to consume the 
unadoring Raksasas, 4 to overcome with his fierce radiance 
those adversaries who injure the firm and valued glories of 
the sapient Varuna and Mitra, 5 and to kill the non-worship- 
ping Dasyus (akratun dasyiiri)* Prosperous men who 
do not worship Agni become destitute of strength (ye na 
Irayanti . . . s'avasah apa). 7 

Indra is requested to slay him who offers no oblations 
to him (asunvantam) and who does not hence delight him, 8 
to root out those who offer no libations (aprnatak)* to 
hurl down to death the non-worshipping Dasyu (adevayuth 
dasyum)" to hide wealth from the riteless, godless man who 
sleeps unbrokenly, and to make him die by his own devices, 11 
and to help the seer to vanquish the godless man, be he a 
Das a or an Arya. 1 * To him who offers no worship to him, 
Indra is said to be like a long road which retards the journey 



I RV. i. iso. 2. 

8 RV. III. 18. 2. 

3 RV. IV. 4. 4. 

4 RV. IV. 4. 15. 

5 RV. IV. 5. 4. 
6 RV. VII. 6. 3. 
7 RV. V. 20. 2. 

* RV. I. 176. 4. w 
RV. VI. 44. 11. 

10 RV. VIII. 70. 11. 

II RV. VIII. 97. 3. 

11 RV. X. 38. 3. 



186 ITMAN 

(dirgho na sidhram). 1 Indra destroys with his thunderbolt 
those who pay no homage to him (amanyamdndn)* While 
Indra is a friend of him who offers oblations to him, he 
contracts no friendship with the wealthy trader (Pani) who 
offers him not any libation ; but he takes away his wealth 
and destroys him when destitute. 3 Indra destroys the adverse 
assembly that offers no libation to him (asunvdm indra sam- 
sadam visuclm vyandyayah),* conquers the power (Maya) of 
the godless, 5 and destroys their treasure-hoards. He leads 
his friends, the devotees that offer him worship, to battle 
against the radiant persons of the godless, and is the unique 
man who is able to slay those hosts in battle. 7 The seer 
hopes to smite full dead his enemy, the non-worshipper, 
through the help of Indra. 8 

The As*vins are asked to pass or keep aloof (atikramis- 
tarn) and to take away the life (juratam) of the non-worship- 
per, while the worshipper is to be rewarded with the light 
of knowledge. 9 

Brhaspati is asked to render transitory the wealth of 
those who enjoy without satisfying gods by prayers (visar- 
mdnam krnuhi vittam), and put aside from the Sun (suryad 
ydvayasva) i.e., condemn to darkness those who perform not 
sacred rites (apavratdn) and those who are averse to prayer 
(brahmadvi?ah) J 

1 RV.I. 173. 11. 

2 RV. II. 12. 10. 

3 RV. IV. 25. 7 ; V. 34. 5 ; VIII. 21. 14. 

4 RV. VIII. 14. 15. 
S RV. X. 111. 6. 
*RV. X. 138. 4. 

7 RV. X. 27. 2, 3. 

8 RV. VIII. 89. 2. 
* RV. I. 182. 3. 

RV. V. 42. 9. 



CHAPTER XI 187 

Mitra'and Varuna are to exterminate those who are not 
diligent in adoration (ohasd na), who do not perform sacrifices 
(ayajnasacah) , and who do not propitiate (na putrdh), l and 
are to see that the days of non-worshippers will pass without 
descendants (ayan mdsd ayajvandm avlrah). 2 They afflict 
with disease him who neglects their worship. 3 

Maruts entertain severe displeasure towards the with- 
holder of offerings (dvesah araruse dadhanti)* and are once 
(RV. VI. 52. 2) asked to bring agonies of burning on him who 
dares revile at the prayer that is being made (brahma vd yah 
kriyamdnam ninitsdt tapumsi tasmai vrjindni santu). 

Soma is requested to drive off the folk who love not 
gods, 5 and to keep away from his adorers the godless and the 
false. 6 He quells the riteless Dasyu,' and burns up or drives 
into the pit the hated riteless ones. s 

No godless man can approach Surya when he is driving 
forth with his dappled steeds (RV. IX. 37. 3.) 

Illiberality was severely reprimanded, and philanthropy 
evoked the highest admiration, as can be seen in the dana- 
stutis which are dedicated specially to those Kings who were 
liberal in gifts to the priestly singers in Vedic India. In 
order to discourage stinginess, it was very often proclaimed 
that the gods themselves would punish one guilty of such a 
crime. The god Savitr is thus said to destroy the illiberal 
(RV. IX. 61. 25 ; 63. 5). One entire hymn (X. 117) in the 

1 RV. VI. 67. 9. 

2 RV. VII. 61. 4. 

3 RV. I. 122. 9. 

4 RV. VII. 56. 19. 
6 RV. IX. 63. 2. 

*fcV. IX. 104. 6; 105. 6. 
7 RV. IX. 41. 2. 
8 RV. IX. 73. 5. 



188 ATMAN 

Rgveda is devoted to the condemnation of * illiberality ', while 
another (X. 107) describes the glory of 'liberality.' The 
following verses will give a fairly good idea of the spirit of the 
latter hymn : 

" The liberal does not mourn or die ; 
No pain or care his life annoys ; 
This world is his with all its joys. 
And future bliss beyond the sky. 

He owns a princely palace bright, 
And dwells in god-like pomp and pride ; 
A richly decked and winning bride 
Sits fair and blooming by his side, 
And fills his heart with love's delight. 

With plenteous stores of corn and wine 
Supplied, a merry life he leads ; 
Swift o'er the plain his chariot speeds, 
Whirled on by prancing, snorting, steeds ; 
He smites his foes by aid divine." ! 

Indra i? said to have seized, without opposition, the 
hundred-gated Castle's treasure by craft, and to have slain 
the phallus- worshippers (vismadevah)* 

1 X. 107. 8 if., translated by Muir, op. cit. t V. 435. 

a RV. X. 99. 3 ; there is a good deal of controversy as regards 
the exact meaning of this word. Yaska (Nirukta, IV. 19) explains the 
word sfi&nadeva by abrahmacarya. This meaning is adopted by both 
Durga, the commentator on the Nirukta, and Sayana. Kaegi (Rigveda. 
n. 62) feels that the word may be an appellation for priapic or lustful 
demons, and he translates it by schwanz-gotter. Muir originally 
(op.cit., II. 391., n. 76) believed that the word is a far more opprobrious 
epithet applied to the Raksasas who are often called acitas (mad), and 
miiradev&h, ' worshippers of mad gods '. But he later revises his opinion and 
remarks: "So long as we are ignorant of the real sense of yi&nadevah . . . 
it must be understood either of men or demons, either of whom would have 
been unwelcome visitors at an Arian ceremonial" (op. cit, t IV. 411). The 



CHAPTER XI 189 

Besides non-worship of the accepted gods, several other 
kinds of sin were also recognized by the Vedic seers, which 
fact proves beyond doubt that these seers were conscious 
of the importance of living a moral life. It was the belief 
of these poets that the gods maintained the moral order of 
the universe, and that any breach of conduct on the part of 
man was an offence against the gods, a violent transgression 
of their laws. Varuna and Aditi are the most important gods 
in this respect, though other gods like Savitr, Surya, Usas, 
Dyavaprthivl, Asrvins and Agni also assume the aspect of 
punishers and remitters of sin. 

If Indra is associated in the Veda with the domain of 
physical valour and command of external nature, Varuna is 
the Vedic god who is principally connected with the spiritual 
domain. The following half-verse (RV. VII. 83. 9 a) brings 
out this point clearly : 



Varuna stands out pre-eminently in the Rgveda as the 
custodian of justice watching the conduct ef men, as a shepherd 
over his herds (RV. VII. 49. 3), and no creature can even wink 
without him (RV. II. 28. 6). For this purpose, he has spies set 
everywhere. Varuna perceives all that exists within Heaven and 
Earth, and all that is beyond, so that a man cannot escape from 

word occurs but twice in the RV (VII. 21, 5 ; X 99. 3) ; the former of these 
texts ends thus : m& s'is'nadevah apigur rtam nah, ' let not the lewd 
wretches approach our sacrifice"; and the last line of the second runs: 
anarva yac chatadurasya vedo ghnan chisrnadcvan abhi varpasti bhut, 
' when smiting the lascivious wretches, the irresistible god by art made himself 
the master of the wealth of (the city) with a hundred portals '. The context 
in which the word occurs in the Rgveda thus shows that it is possible to agree 
with Muir when he suggests that, whatever be the exact meaning of the word, it 
roust have an allusion to the non-Aryan tribes who did not observe the Aryan 
rituals, and were hence hated by the latter. For a full discussion of the meaning 
of this word, see Muir, op. cit, t IV. 406 ff. 



190 ATMAN 

him even by flying far beyond the sky. 1 He is omniscient, know- 
ing as Ije does the flight of birds in the sky, the path of ships in 
the ocean, and the course of the far travelling wind, and as he 
beholds all the secret things that have been or shall be done. 2 
The divine omniscience of Varuna has been excellently brought 
out in the following hymn 3 from the Atharvaveda : 



3T 3 



5= fi 



"The mighty Lord on high, our deeds, as if at hand 
espies ; 

' AV. IV. 16. 4, 5. 
>RV. I. 25. 7,9, 11. 
* AV. IV. 16. 16. 



CHAPTER XI 191 

The gods know all men do, though men would fain 
their deeds disguise. 

Whoever stands, whoever moves, or steals from place 
to place, 

Or hides him in his secret cell, the gods his move- 
ments trace. 

Wherever two together plot, and deem they are alone, 

King Varuna is there, a third, and all their schemes are 
known. 

This earth is his, to him belong those vast and bound- 
less skies ; 

Both seas within him rest, and yet in that small pool 
he lies. 

Whoever far beyond the sky should think his "way to 
wing, 

He could not there elude the grasp of Varuna, the 
king. 

His spies descending from the skies glide all this world 
around, 

Their thousand eyes all-scanning sweep to earth's re- 
motest bound. 

Whate'er exists in Heaven and Earth, whatever beyond 
the skies, 

Before the eyes of Varuna, the king, unfolded lies. 

The ceaseless winkings all he counts of every mortal's 
eyes : 

He wields this universal frame, as gamester throws 
his dice. 

Those knotted nooses which thou fling'st, O God, the 
bad to snare, 

All liars let them overtake, but all the truthful spare." l 
1 Muir. op. cit. t V. 64 n. 



192 ITMAN 

Varuna is frequently spoken of as the preserver of Rta, 
or as the spring of Eta. This word denotes three ideas in the 
Rgveda which are mutually connected. 

First of all, Eta represents the " Cosmic Order," the 
principle which rules over the world and Nature. The regular 
recurrence of the natural phenomena, the rising and setting 
of the Sun, the coming of dawns, are all regulated by Eta. 
Even the gods are said to be born of Jta (rtajdta), to be 
observing and loving Rta (rtajna, rtayu, rtavdn). The best 
things in Nature are the creations of Varuna : 

3 \ 



\ 

" The Air hath Varuna placed among the tree-tops, 
Milk in the cows and strength in the swift horses, 
Wisdom in hearts and fire withiji the waters, 
In Heaven the Sun and Soma on the mountain." 2 

From this, Eta comes to denote the correctness and regu- 
larity of the cult of worship or sacrifice. There is some 
principle which guides and regulates the different aspects of 
the sacrifices, like the coming of the gods and the offering of 
oblations, and that is Eta. 

Last comes the third phase in the domain of the moral 
conduct of man, the ethical law which every righteous man 
must observe on pain of meeting with punishment if he fails 
to do so. 3 

1 RV. V. 85. 2, 

* Griswold, Religion of the Rigveda, p. 135. 

3 For an excellent analysis of the Vedic conception of Rta on these lines* 
see Griswold. Ibid., pp. 122, 132 ff. 



CHAPTER XI 193 

Closely connected with Varuna in respect of guarding 
the moral order of the universe, is Aditi who is conceived 
of by the Vedic seers as the mother of Mitra and Varuna, 1 
and of Aryaman also. 3 There are other gods who are often 
interceded to forgive Sin, but the power to release from it seems 
to be more closely connected with Varuna * and his mother 
Aditi. Thus Varuna (RV. I. 24. 15), Agni (RV. IV. 12. 4) and 
Savitr (RV. V. 82. 6) are besought to free from guilt against 
Aditi. Aditi, Mitra and Varuna are implored to forgive Sin 
(RV. II. 27. 14), and Aditi and Aryaman to loosen the bonds 
of Sin (RV. VII. 93. 7). 

A gqod number of words are used in the Rgveda to 
denote Sin and inequity. Among these, the words Papa, 
Aghas, Enas, Amhas(-ti), Agas, Durita, and Nirrti show that 
Sin was conceived by the early Aryans as * a fall from a higher 
to a lower moral state, a deviation from the path of duty, a 
missing of the mark of excellence once set before the mental 
vision.' 4 The term Papa comes from the root pat, ' to fall 
down ', and the remaining, except 'Nirrti come from roots 
signifying first " to go ", then " to go astray ", " miss the 
mark." Nirrti derived from the same root which yields Rta, 
* that which is right', must mean ' that which is not right' i.e., 
a deviation from the right path/ 

That an actual transgression of the moral and divine laws 
was also understood by Sin is denoted by words like Devakilbisa, 

1 RV. VIII. 25 3 , X. 36 3 ; 132. 6. 
- RV. VIII. 47. 9. 

3 cf. the account given in the Aitareya Brahmana (VII. 3) of how 
Sunahs'epa implores the mercy of the several Vedic gods like Agni, Indra, 
As'vins, and Prajapati, and how he is directed by all these gods to approach 
Varuna, for he alone has the power to excuse him and release him from the 
sacrificial stake. 

4 M. Phillips, Teaching of the Vedas, p. 143. 

3 Ibid ; The Nirukta derives the word from r with the preposition nir t 
and so does Grassmann (Worterbuch zum Rigvcda % p. 733) 

13 



194 , ATMAN 

Duskrta, Avadya and Rapas which also are used in the 
Rgveda as names of Sin. The seers also explicitly state that 
they have, by their sin, broken divine laws and supplicate to 
the gods for rnercy. 1 

Sin is often likened to a * bondage ' or * rope ' from which 
the sinner has to effect a release. The terms used in the 
Rgveda to denote this idea are Pas'a, Rajju, Setu, Prasiti and 
Bandha. Varuna is thus called on to take away the sin of his 
devotee, like a rope from a calf, 2 and to lift the highest rope, 
draw off the lowest, and remove the middle. 3 Aditi is im- 
plored to deliver the devotees from the mouth of the wolves, 
like a bound thief. 4 

Sin is also a * heavy burden ' which only the gods can take 
away (RV. II. 29. 1), a ' thick darkness ' which forgiveness alone 
can dispel, (RV. II. 27. 14) and a ' sea ' or ' flood ' which can be 
crossed only by a divine boat. 6 

If the Vedic seer is conscious that he will incur the dis- 
pleasure of his god if he perpetrate Sin, it may be asked why 
he should at all sin. To this he answers that, as a human 
being, it is natural to sin when lured away by temptations 
which are irresistible. He, therefore, prays to his gods to 
excuse whatever sin he has committed, whether it is through' 
weakness or through unconsciousness. To Varuna the seer 
says that it is not his own doing that made him sin, but only 
the influence of an intoxicating draught, of poison or dice, or 
through thoughtlessness. 6 Savitr is requested to render his 
devotees sinless, whatever be the offence committed by them 

1 RV. I. 25. 2; VII. 89. 5; 87.7. 

* RV. II. 28. 6. 
S RV. I. 24. 15. 

4 RV. VIII. 56. 14. 

* RV. I. 99. 1 ; VIII. 18. 17 ; X. 63. 
RV. VII. 86. 6. 



CHAPTER XI 195 

ty want of thought against the divine race, by feebleness 
of understanding, by violence after the manner of men, and 
either against gods or men. 1 Though the worshippers err 
through human weakness and infirmities, the Maruts are 
implored to keep far away from them their blazing weapons 
(RV. VII. 57. 4). 

It was also believed at this time that a man suffered not 
merely for his own Sins, but as well for those committed by 
his parents. Varuna is sought to release his supplicant, not 
merely from the Sins committed by him, but also from those 
committed by his fathers. (RV. VII. 86. 5). In another 
place, the seer prays to Mitra and Varuna to see that he is not 
punished for offences committed by another (RV. VII. 52. 2). 
In a verse in the Atharvaveda (V. 30. 4) w 7 hich is used to secure 
longevity, the man is assured of freedom from his affliction, 
even though he might be lying prostrate through sin com- 
mitted by his father or mother. 

So much for the general nature of Sin. These seers also 
specify certain types of conduct as immoral, and as those 
which are to be avoided by all who would like to be happy, 
and in the favour of the great gods. ' Gambling ' seems to have 
been widely prevalent at this period, and the Rgveda has one 
entire hymn which speaks of the disastrous consequences of 
this vicious pastime. In this hymn/ the gambler who has 
succumbed to the fascination of the dice, bemoans the ruin 
that has fallen on him and his family. His relations forsake 
him, and his very wife, who was formerly very much attached 
to him, leaves him and goes astray. Having gambled away 
all his money and finding himself starving, the man takes 



1 RV. iv. 54. 3. 

2 RV. X. 34; for an excellent metrical rendering of this hymn, see Muir, 
>op. cit., V. 427 ff. 



ITMAN 

to stealing. He sees his neighbours and their well-ordered 
homes, and repents that, by his folly, he has lost all that 
happiness to which he was also once entitled. 

The gods hate falsehood and punish all untruth, and the 
seers frequently pray to the gods, requesting excuse for the 
Sin committed by them in having spoken untruth. Mitra and 
Varuna are said to conquer all falsehood, and closely cleave unto 
the law eternal (RV. I. 152. 1), and Varuna is considered to 
discriminate between truth and false-hood (RV. VII. 49. 3). 

Stealing was abhorred at this time, and dishonesty in 
business, was always deprecated. Pusan is the Vedic god of 
travellers, corresponding to Mercury in Grecian Mythology, 
and he is very often asked to drive away from the path of 
his worshippers, the way-layer, the thief and the robber 
(RV. I. 42. 3), and Indra is entreated * not to take advantage 
of his devotees like a dealer ' (RV. I. 33. 3). 

fAmong other things considered criminal in the Vedic 
age are sorcery and witchcraft (RV. VII. 104. 5, 8, 24 & 25), 
seduction and adultery, 1 disobedience to parents, and want 
of peace and concord in the family} It is but natural for 
worshippers of gods like the Vedic Aryans to detest those 
devoting themselves to the worship of evil forces. Such is 
the hatred of the Vedic seer towards sorcery and witchcraft 
that he cries out in one place Adyd muriya yadi yatudhano 
asmi* * May I die today if I am a sorcerer '. There is one 
beautiful hymn in the Atharvaveda (III. 30) which is meant 
as a benediction to effect domestic concord and felicity : 



irft 



1 RV. I. 167. 4 ; II, 29. 1 ; X. 34. 3. 

2 T?\T T7TT t/\A 1C 



CHAPTER XI 197 

T3TT 



The last hymn of the Rgveda (X. 191) betrays a more 
ambitious aim when it seeks to bring about concord, amity 
and peace among all people : 



|IT 

1% J?^: flf^ft: 

II 



t 1* q?i 5: ^i^f^ II 



Great stress was laid in the Vedic period on the importance 
of following the tradition set up by the ancestors of old, and 
it is quite possible that neglect of this was considered sinful : 



: e 



?: ^=5: 'fll^T: itfe^l: II 

1 RV. X. 130. 7 ; 14. 15 cd. 



198 ATMAN ^ 

Sin, being a violation of the' divine law, must necessarily 
meet with punishment. As a penalty, the sinner often lost 
the favour of his god. Vasistha once unconsciously and' 
ignorantly violated the decree of Varuna, and full of pious 
grief, painfully recalls the time when he had the honour of 
a pleasure boat-drive on the sea alone with Varuna, of being a< 
guest of Varuna, and of having access to his thousand-gated 
house. But, once he sinned, he lost all friendship with him. 1 

The sinner was also punished, and the favourite punish- 
ment of Varuna seems to consist in inflicting disease (yaksma)* 
The nature of the punishment ought always to be in accord- 
ance with the nature of the god who punishes, and it is only 
natural that Vedic Aryans considered dropsy as the peculiar 
infliction of Varuna, the lord of waters. 3 A member of the 
family of Vasistha was fettered with disease (pas'a) arid the 
wise assured him that he must be a sinner, because his illness 
was proof that Varuna, who hates sin, was angry with him. 
The victim supplicates for mercy that he may be relieved of 
his piteous affliction : 

" Since like one tottering I move, 
O Slinger, like inflated skin, 
Be gracious, Mighty Lord, and spare." 4 

Expiation for sin was also considered possible, seeing 
that it is only human nature to go wrong. This was fre- 
quently done by begging forgiveness of those gods who were 
believed to be custodians of the moral order of the universe. 
As has been mentioned already, the idea of sin seems to be 
1 RV. VII. 88. 

2 RV. I. 122. 9, cf. RV. VIII. 20. 26 where Maruts are requested to 
cure him who is sick (fiturasya) on account of his wickedness (rapas). 

3 cf. the story of Haris'candra in the Aitareya Brahmana (VII. 3),. where 
Varuna inflicts dropsy on Haris'candra for breaking his promise ; cf 
supra, p. 178 n. 

4 RV. VII. 89. 2 ; cf., supra, p. 178. 



CHAPTER XI 199 

much more closely connected with Aditi and her son Varuna 
than with any other god. The very etymology of the word 
Aditi, ' unbinding ', ' bondlessness ', comes from diti, * bind- 
ing,' derived from the root da, 6 to bind "/ Not merely is 
Aditi very frequently implored to release the wrong-doer 
from sin, other gods like Varuna, Agni, and Savitr are 
requested to free the sinner from his wrong towards Aditi. 
Aditi is said to be the mother of eight sons and that with 
seven of them, excepting Surya, she approached the earlier 
age (p&rvyam yugam) [RV. X. 72. 8, 9]. 

As a moral governor, Varuna is the paramount god in 
the Rgveda, and sin is most frequently confessed 'to him 
and his forgiveness sought. He is said to bind the sinners 
with fetters (pas'aliY which seem to be specifically distinctive 
of him. 4 They are cast seven-fold and three-fold, ensnaring 
the man who tells lies, passing by him who speaks truth 
(AV. IV. 16. 6). Together with Mitra, Varuna is a dispeller, 
a hater and a punisher of falsehood.' However rigorous 
Varuna may be in his punishment, he is still merciful and 
gracious to the penitent. The god is just, yet merciful, a 
judge, but yet a father. Very frequently, Varuna is besought 
to lose the sinner from sin and penalty and make him once 
again his favourite : 

sqf 1 waft 1 S5rf*r snft *n \ 



51 ftrqf ^mH IT qrgfai*tif*n ftragpKj u 8 

1 Benfey (Orient und Occident, I. 33) treats Aditi as a proper name, and 
explains it as denoting sinlessness (Muir, op. cit. t V 46). 

2 RV . I. 162. 22 ; II. 27. 14 ; VII. 93. 7 ; X 100 etc 

3 RV. I. 24. 15 , 25. 21 ; VI. 74. 4 ; X. 85. 24. 

4 Only once in the RV. (V. 2. 7) is Agni ever implored to loosen the 
fetters of his worshippers, 

5 RV. I. 152. 1 ; VII. 60. 5 , 66. 13. 
< RV. V. 85. 7. 



200 ATMAN 



clT ft f ftftH ^ITS^f Sr fqHT 35*1 fsftltf : II x 



" Against a friend, companion or a brother, a fellow- 
tribesman, or against a stranger, whatever tresspass we have 
perpetrated, do thou, O Varuna, from that release us. 

' If we, like those that play at dice, have cheated, have 
really sinned, or done amiss unwitting, cast all these sins 
away, as from us loosened ; so, may we, Varuna, be thine own 
beloved." 

Savitr who travels by an upward and by a downward 
path, comes fiom a distance and removes all sin. 2 He is 
requested to free man from sin committed against the divine 
race by want of thought, by feebleness of understanding, or 
by violence after the manner of men (RV. IV. 54. 3), 

Indra is requested not to slay his devotees for one sin, 
or for two, or for three or for many. 3 

Surya is requested, at his rising, to declare men sinless 
to Mitra- Varuna and other gods. 4 

The Adityas watch carefully each evil deed perpetrated by 
man and, with strict justice, punish him (RV. II. 27). They 
lay hold on wrong with the wrath of their spirit (RV. I. 139. 2), 
and bind wrong with many bonds not to be overstepped by 
the deceitful man (RV. VII. 65. 3). But once the sinner 
turns back from sin, they put far away the evil done by the 
penitent, openly or in secret, and prolong his life (RV. VIII. 
56. 17). 

1 RV. V. 85. 8. 

3 RV. I. 35. 3 ; 115. 6. 

3 RV. VIII. 45. 33-4 

% 

4 RV. VII. 60. 1 , 62. 2. 



CHAPTER XI 201 

Usas is said to bring about sinlessness (anagastvam) 
[RV. X. 35. 2, 3]. 

Soma is implored to preserve his worshippers from sin 
(RV. I. 91. 5), and to forgive every error of his adorer merci- 
fully, even as a father pardons his son. 1 " Though we trans- 
gress thy firm decree, so often, be merciful to us," says the 
worshipper, " and kind and gracious " (RV. VIII. 48. 9). 

The As'vins are besought to wipe off the sins of their 
<devotees, and to prolong their life (RV. I. 157. 4). 

Agni is solicited to preserve his adorers by knowledge 
from sin (RV. I. 36. 14, 15), to remove from them all 
inequity, all sin and all evil thought (RV. IV. 11. 6). 

Dyavaprthivl are invoked for forgiveness of sin (RV. 
X. 35. 2, 3). 

" May our sins be removed or repented of " (apa nah 
s'os'ucad agham) is the burden of one entire hymn in the 
Rgveda (I. 97) which is addressed to Agni. 

Besides praying for and obtaining the forgiveness of gods, 
there are several other methods of expiation by means of 
which the Vedic seer sought to wipe off his sin. Sin is often 
considered to be transferable ; the gods are said to transfer 
the guilt of the blood of the sacrifice to one man after another, 
until it rested finally with the slayer of an embryo (bhruna- 
hcrnta), the most guilty of sinners/' and man, following their 
example, seeks to transfer his sins : 

Hf%r4fol*I *faT 



1 RV. VIII. 48. 2 ; I. 91. 4 ; 179. 5 , VIII. 68. 8. 
M Maitr&yaniya Sathhitft, IV. 1. 9. 

3 RV. X. 36. 9. For a fuller account of the different methods employed 
!by the Vedic seers to rid themselves of their sin, see Keith, Religion and 
.Philosophy of the Veda, I. 264 ff. ; ERE. t XI. 560 ff. 



202 ATMAN 

From the above account of various methods of expiating 
Sin, it is clear that Sin, to the Vedic Indian, was an external 
accretion, which could be removed by the application of ade- 
quate means, prayer or rituals. They were aware that it is 
natural for man to sin, either through lack of self-control or 
through unconsciousness ; but this did not mean to them 
that man is always a sinner and that it is his essential nature 
to go wrong. To them, as it is to later Indian thinkers, 
man seems to be by nature divine, but a demon only tem- 
porarily, through accident. " It was not our own will, 
Varuna," says the seer, " but some seduction w r hich led us 
astray, wine, anger, dice or thoughtlessness. The stronger 
perverts the weaker, even sleep occasions sin." (RV. VII. 86. 6) 

It is necessary in this context to review the opinions of 
some of the best orientalists on the Vedic conception of Sin. 
It has very often been remarked that the Vedic conception of 
Sin is extremely simple, and that very little stress is laid in 
the Veda on the moral side of man. Weber holds that the 
religious notion of Sin is wanting altogether, and submissive 
gratitude to the gods is as yet quite foreign to the Indian in 
the Vedic Age." ] He points out that when the Vedic wor- 
shipper says to his god ' Give me, and I will render to thee/ 
it is quite clear that he thinks he has a right to divine assis- 
tance, and that the relation between him and his God is one 
of exchange, not of grace. Weber is certainly right in point- 
ing out that the relation between God and man in Vedic 
India was one of 'reciprocity, frank, unconditional reciprocity,' a 
but this does not prove that the notion of sin did not at all 
occupy the mind of hian at this age. The very conception! 
of gods in the Veda is proof of the unmistakable elevation. 

. l History of Indian Literature, p 38. 

* M. Bloomfield, Religion of the Veda, p. 184. 



CHAPTER XI 203 

of sentiment expressed therein. 1 A people who could conceive 
of gods who are good, just and not deceitful, cannot them- 
selves be rid of all those qualities ; also, a religion like that 
of the Rgveda which sees along side of it low practices like 
sorcery, witchcraft and magic, but refuses to adopt them, must 
undoubtedly be a moral religion. True that the Vedic seers 
demand of their gods all their worldly needs, as though it is 
purely a matter of right ; but when we hear them define a 
pious man as one who makes soma flow in abundance, while, 
the reprobate is one who is penurious towards the gods whose 
worship is man's first duty, it has to be accepted that 
these people had enough devotion and respect towards their 
gods. Moreover, the very important place occupied by 
Varuna and Aditi in the Vedic pantheon the first as the 
guardian of Rta, and the second as the most important for- 
giver of sin and the very frequent descriptions of the Vedic 
seers approaching these two and other gods, conceived by 
them as guardians of the moral order, for forgiveness of their 
sins, most unmistakably point out that these Vedic minstrels 
did certainly feel the weight of other things besides multipli- 
city of offerings or punctilious observance of rituals, and 
that the standard of morality conceived by them is really 
exalted and comprehensive. 2 

' Phillips ' quotes with general approval on his part the 
view of the author of the Sacred Poetry of Early Religions 
who remarks : " <!)f that moral conviction, that moral en- 
thusiasm for goodness and justice, that moral hatred of 
wrong and evil, that zeal for righteousness, that anguish of 
penitence, which has elsewhere marked religious poetry, 

1 M. Barth, Religions of India, pp, 32 ff. 

* Ibid., 

3 Teaching of the Vedas, p. 140. 



204 ATMAN 

there is singularly little trace in the Vedic hymns ". He 
also points out 1 that drinking of soma and sura, polygamy, 
remarriage of widows, adult women remaining unmarried, 
and plundering and destruction of non-Aryan tribes were not 
at all considered sinful in the Vedic period. The Vedic 
Aryans are convicted by Phillips especially for their racial 
intolerance," but it has to be pointed out that this is a trait 
which is not peculiar to them but which is found in all 
races and at all times. Moreover, as Barth has pointed out/ 
it is only with the simple conviction that the non-Aryan 
ruins himself with impiety if he does not worship the Vedic 
gods, that the Vedic seer consigned him to divine wrath so 
that, being afraid of that, he may improve his conduct at 
least thereafter. The first objection that morality is not 
sufficiently recognised has already been answered in replying 
to Weber ; but when it is complained that drinking of soma, 
sura, polygamy and the like were not considered criminal by 
these people, it must be said in reply that we have no justifica- 
tion in applying our code of morality in judging the actions 
of a people who lived thousands of years ago. " In matters of 
social life, it is not easy," as Roth 4 holds, " to pass sentence 
upon so remote an antiquity, since we know not the precise 
rule by which they are to be judged." It is also possible 
to see that the domestic life of these ancient people, the 
government of their house-hold, as also the relation between 
the sexes at this time, deserves neither Special praise nor 

special blame. 5 True that these people do not deserve the 

y 

1 Ibid., pp. 148 ff. 

2 Ibid. 

3 Op.cit., p. 33. 
V-A.O.S., III. 340. 
r> Ibid., p. 339 f. 



CHAPTER XI 205 

praise ^of continency, but at the same time it has to be 
admitted that they were not lustful or sensuous either. They 
had a passion for dice, but they themselves recognised it to 
be a vice. Moreover, the fact must also be considered that 
different nations in the world have different codes of morality, 
that what is virtue in one place may be dubbed vice in 
another, and that the judgment of morality is very often a 
purely subjective affair. 

Mitchell ' feels that the Vedas are in no way exempt 
from some of the worst outrages on morality which we fre- 
quently meet with in thePuranas. He points out that in the 
character of the sacred rsis, there is much that is morally 
repulsive ; the rsi Vasistha is assailed by the house-dog 
when about to steal grain, and a dialogue is given in the 
Veda in which Yama endeavours to seduce his twin-sister 
Yaml. Roth has already replied to these allegations ; the 
first story has been pointed out by him as a clear concoc- 
tion of the priests who were obviously unable to understand 
the significance of Vasistha's entry into Varuna's house at 
night ; * the second story proceeds from not understanding 
the dialogue of Yama and Yam! correctly. It is Colebrooke 
that was first responsible for this mistake, and the wrong 
version of the story was adopted by Mitchell without any 
verification on his part. Colebrooke wrote : " A very singular 
passage occurs in another place (of the JRgveda) containing a 
dialogue between Yama and his twin-sister Yamuna, whom he 
endeavours to seduce ; but his offers, are rejected by her with 
virtuous expostulation." { Colebrooke, otherwise a very ac- 
curate student of Sanskrit, fails to see that, in the hymn in 

1 J.B.B.R.A.S. (1847), XI. 406, cited by Roth, op. ctt. t p. 332. 

Roth, Ibid., p. 337. 

5 Asiatic Researches, VIII. 402, 



206 ATMAN 

question, it is not Yama that makes overtures but only YamI, 
and that even her attempt is not to seduce, but only to 
marry him. Moreover, Yama and YamI are the primeval 
ancestors, the originators of man, corresponding to Adam and 
Eve in Christian mythology. As we can understand from 
the Vedic dialogue, Yama points out that it is criminal for a 
brother to share his bed with his sister, even overlooking the 
fact that, * if these two did not unite, the birth of human 
beings would be impossible.' Granting that they united, it 
is easily seen that they committed no special crime, for, how- 
ever legal the sexual connection between Adam and Eve may 
be, their children at least must have been incestuous. 1 

Also, it is very often seen that our condemnation of 
mythical herpes, gods and seers proceeds from a failure on 
our part to understand the anthropomorphical nature of 
the stories connected with them. 2 The Vedic poets 'often 
compare the behaviour of the solar and storm-gods, and of 
the light and dark phenomena, to the activities of human 
beings, and it is necessary that one should bear in mind this 
fact before he makes an attempt to understand the several 
.mythical stones and legends. 

Keith 3 feels that there is no great stress laid on the 
moral quality of the gods, and that the sense of Sin is very 
feebly represented in the hymns ; confessions are no doubt 
made, but it is only to certain gods like Varuna, Aditi,, 
and the Adityas ; there is, side by side, the view that Sin is <jnly 
an external affair, a pollution or a disease which can easily be 
removed through pity of the gods or by the application of 

1 c/. Roth. of>. cit. t pp. 335 f. 

2 For an elaboration of this theme, see my paper Kumfirila's Contribution 
to Philology and Mythology in the Poona Orientalist, V. 65 ff. 

3 Religion and Philosophy of the Veda, I. 244 ff. ; ERE. t XI. 560 ff. ; 
A. A. Macdonell, Lectures on Comparative Religion, pp. 62, 66. 



CHAPTER XI 207 

certain magical methods. There is no searching of the heart, 
and no contrite soul which is accorded forgiveness. 1 The 
Vedic seers fail to make much distinction between neglect of 
ceremonial duties, natural defects, and real offences against 
the moral law ; the only difference made here is as regards 
the gravity of crimes ; the Yajurveda, for instance, does 
not seem to make much distinction, except in degree, 
between a man who has failed to perform his sandhya- 
vandana before , sunrise, between one who has married 
before his elder brother, and one who has slain a man, 
a brahmin or an embryo. 2 Polytheists that the Vedic* 
seers were, it was but natural for them to imagine that 
each god had his own individual jurisdiction. This idea 
becomes quite clear on perusal of the hymn RV. VIII. 29 
which is a sort of brahmodya wherein the distinguishing 
characteristics of each god are mentioned, and the listener or 
reader is expected to recognise the god ; Indra is thus the 
incomparable defender of the Vedic people against their 
enemies, and Ptisan the guardian of the high-ways and one 
who secures lost-property ; Rudra is the talented physician, 
and Agni is always associated with wisdom. Similarly, the 
moral sphere seems to be essentially under the custody of 
Varuna and those other gods considered to be similar in 
nature to him, and it is only natural that the Vedic seer should 
implore to these gods for forgiveness of Sin, even as he 
requests Indra to destroy his enemies, Pusan to secure his lost 
cow, or Eudra to cure his disease. The fact that only a few 
of the Vedic gods are implored to remove Sin does not, 
therefore, prove that Sin was not seriously regarded by the 

1 Lefever, Summaries of Papers submitted to VIII All India Oriental 
Conference (1935), p. 3. 

8 B. Delbruck, Die Indogermanischen Verwandtschaftsnamen, pp, 200 
ff., cited by A. B. Keith, ERE. t XI. 561. 



208 ATMAN 

Vedic seers. It is also pointed out that not much difference 
was made in Vedic India between breach of duty and moral 
delinquency ; this fact, so far from proving a very light concep- 
tion of Sin, proves, on the other hand, that the Vedic seers were 
men of such stern discipline that even a breach of religious 
duty was. considered by them as serious as the most heinous 
crime like bhrunahatya. To view Sin as an external pollution 
or a disease which can be removed, cannot mean recognition 
of a very low standard of morality. Indian thought has 
always considered that man is by nature divine, and that 
all his delinquencies are as a result of his weakness which 
is but temporary and accidental. However much opposed this 
view may be to Christian conceptions of Sin, its philosophical 
value cannot be denied ; the moment man realises that, through 
a momentary weakness, he has fallen from his divinity, he 
rushes to his God and implores for a riddance of his Sin. 
No one who is not conscious that he is a sinner and who does 
not feel the weight of his crime, can be expected to pray for 
deliverance from Sin, and when the Vedic seer is seen to 
approach Varuna, the guardian of moral order, with the 
fullest repentance and praying piteously to be absolved from 
all his sins, it is impossible to accept that there is ' no 
searching of the heart or real contrition ' in Vedic India. 
It is difficult to deny both these to the suppliant who falls 
at the feet of Varuna, craving for his mercy, and who once 
even challenges him to point out the sin committed by him 
J[RV. VII. 86. 34). The verses addressed to Varuna on this 
occasion argue for the most elevated expression of the sense 
of Sin possessed by the Vedic Aryans. 1 

1 This is accepted by Keith (ERE. t XL 560) also; feee also Bloomfield, 
Religion of the Veda, p. 123 ; Barth, Religions of India, p. 34 ; Max Muller, 
Chips from a German Workshop, I. 41 ; Roth, J.A.O.S,, III. 346. 



CHAPTER XI 209 

A study of the Vedic idea of morality would not be 
complete if the eschatological conceptions of these people are 
not also taken into account. The good men go after death, 
we are told, to the Heaven of Visnu or Yama, as their merit 
permits them, but, regarding the destiny of the wicked, there 
are not at all any definite indications in the Rgveda. Roth * 
felt that the evil-doers should have either been condemned to 
live on for an indefinite time their evil life, or that their 
individuality should have been extinguished by death ; feeling 
that the former alternative would be more in accordance with 
* philosophy rather than with the spirit of remote antiquity/ 
he chose the latter as the more probable one. This view 
of Roth, that the punishment of the wicked is only their 
annihilation, is plausible, for this accords with the stress 
frequently laid in the Veda on longevity as the supreme aim 
of man. 2 But it is not possible to say that no other punish- 
ment was conceived of by these people, for we often hear of 
the 'deep abyss ' (Vavra, Gadha) or the * lowest darkness * 
(Tamas) to which different kinds of criminals are consigned. A 
few words of the Rgveda need consideration in this context. 

Vavra occurs in the Rgveda both in the masculine and 
neuter genders ; in the former gender it occurs thrice (I. 52. 3; 
168. 2 ; X. 8. 7), and means * one who divides/ or * one who 
beseeches ; ' in the latter gender, it occurs five times (IV. 1. 13 ; 
V. 31. 3 ; 32. 8 ; VII. 104. 3, 17), and means * one that covers ' 
or an ' abyss ' (tiefe Grube, Tiefe). 3 In the latter sense, the 
word occurs in the following two verses : 



IKf: S^^^HTTgfafcf Ff^ flr-^^4: II* 

1 Op. cit. t pp. 344 ff. ~" 

2 Keith, ERE. t XI. 843. 

* Grassmann, W&rterbuch zum Rigveda, p. 1226. 4 RV. VII. 104. 3. 



14 



210 ITMAN 



HT 

In the first verse, Indra and Soma are requested to 
chastise the malignant Raksasas and to plunge them in sur- 
rounding (Vavre) and inextricable darkness, 2 so that not one of 
them may again issue from it. In the second, the seer wishes 
to see that the demons prowling at night like an owl, covering 
her person, may fg.ll headlong down into the unbounded 
caverns (Vavrdn). Grassmann understands the third pada of 
the second verse to mean sinke tief in bodenlose Brunnen* 

The word Gabhlra occurs, by itself, eight times in the 
Rgveda and the word Pada, forty-six times. The following 
verse where these two words occur compounded is of interest 
in the present context : 



n 4 



Here, the wicked who are false in thought (anrtah) and 
who are false in speech (asatyah), like brotherless maidens 
who go astray and married women who are unfaithful to 
their husbands, are said to give birth to the deep abyss 
(gabhlram padam).* 

1 RV. VII. 104. 17. 

2 This is Wilson *s translation of Vavre which Sayana interprets to mean 
v&rake. But Grassmann understands by the word an ' abyss ' (Tiefe) and 
interprets the verse to be an address to Indra and Soma who are requested to 
plunge headlong the evil-doers into the darkness of the deepest underground 
well (Rigveda, 1.380). 

8 Ibid. 

4 RV. IV. 5. 5. 

5 Sayana equates this word with Hell (narakasthana) and, according 
to Grassmann, it means an ' unfathomable ' or ' inexhaustible ' place (uner- 
frundlioh, unersch&pflich), 



CHAPTER XI 211 

Gadha occurs nine times in the Rgveda in various case- 
forms. Sayana understands the word in a number of senses 
such as * an elevated place * (dhisnyam prade&am), ' a place * 
{sthana or sthiti), ' depth ', * water \ and * that which is 
being done.' Grassmann ! understands the word to mean 
Ort im Wasser, wo man festen Fuss fassen kann (wol von 
gadh, festhalten, sich anklammern), seichte Stette, Furt. In 
the Nirukta, the word occurs twice ; 2 it is there derived from 
the root gah, and is used once in the sense of ' fordable * 
and another time to mean ' shallow.' In the sense of 
4 depth ', the word is used thrice in the Rgveda but the present 
verse only needs consideration at present : 



WwJf 

Mitra and Varuna are here invoked and besought to lead 
their worshippers to the opposite shore of the bottom which 
lies in the lowest depth (gadha) of the river. 

Ad has is found five times in the Rgveda and always 
means ' below ' (adhastdt^-unten, hinab).* It occurs but 
once (11.11) in the Nirukta, and is used there also in the 
same sense. Of its occurrences in the Rgveda the following 
verse is noteworthy : 



1 Wdrterbuch zum Rigveda, p. 395. 

2 Nirukta, II. 2, 24. 
8 RV. VII. 60. 7. 

4 Grassmann, op. cit. 9 p. 44, 
*RV. VII. 104. 11. 



212 ATMAN 

In this verse, the seers request the gods to see that their 
adversary is cast down below (adhah) all the three worlds. 

Karta occurs four times in all in the Rgveda in the 
various case-forms. The following are the passages : 



n 1 



Grassmann understands- the word in all these four 
passages to mean ' a cavity ' (Grube) or ' a hole ' (Loch) and 
derives the word from the root krt, to cut ' or * carve * 
(schneiden). But in all the four verses Sayana understands 
it only in the sense of ' activity ' or ' duty ' (karma), though 
it has to be admitted that his explanation of these verses is 
far from satisfactory. According to Sayana, the first verse 
is an address to Indra who is requested to do his duty (kartam 
avartayah) by driving away his non-worshippers past the 
ninety rivers, and the second, to the Vis'vedevas who ,are 

1 RV. I. 121. 13. 
2 RV. II. 29. 6. 

3 RV. IX. 73. 8. 

4 RV. IX. 73. 9. 
& Op. cit. t p. 316, 



CHAPTER XI 213 

implored to protect their worshippers from the evil-doer 
(avapadah kartat) ; the third verse says that Soma torments 
those who have no interest in offering him sacrifices (karte 
ajustari). and, according to the last verse, while the prudent 
ones who are capable of performing rites attain the dwelling 
of Soma situated on the tip of the tongue of Varuna, he who 
is incapable of such rites (kartam aprabhuh) falls down below. 
It is too readily seen that all these explanations of Sayana 
are very much involved and, to some extent, even fantastic. 
It seems quite reasonable, on the other hand, to understand, 
Karta as Grassmann has done and to understand the verses 
accordingly. The first verse would then mean that Indra 
drives the godless beyond the ninety rivers and down into the 
pit (kartam avartayah), and the second would be a prayer 
to the Vis'vedevas to save their devotees from falling into the 
pit (kartat avapadah) ; the third verse says that Soma drives 
into the pit (karte vidhyati) the hated riteless ones, and the 
fourth verse tells that the man who lacks the supernatural 
power possessed by those who were able to attain to the world 
of Soma, sinks into the pit (kartam avapaddti). 

The word Vlci occurs but once in the Rgveda, and even 
then in the instrumental case. The context is given by the 
following verse : 



sn BTift ^51 u 1 



There is some difference of opinion in the interpretation of this 
verse between Sayana and the majority of Western scholars ; 
according to the former, Yaml is the speaker and she, in her 
attempt to induce Yama to accede to her wishes, tells him 



1 RV. X. 10. 6. 



214 STMAN 

that, at that early hour of the day, there could be no one who 
would spy on what they do, and report it to others. Whether 
she is justified in saying so or not, she leaves it for the judg- 
ment of Yama, who condemns the wrong -doers among men to 
Hell. Commenting on the verse, Wilson remarks 1 that Sayana 
inconsistently makes Yami the speaker in the last part of the 
verse at least. Wilson has failed to understand Sayana's 
commentary here, because, according to the latter, Yami 
is the speaker of the entire verse. 

Griffith differs from Sayana in holding that Yama is the 
speaker in this verse. 2 According to his interpretation, Yama 
attempts to refute Yami's claim 3 that Tvastr intended the 
very day he created them both that they should live as man 
and wife, that Heaven and Earth are the witnesses to this 
ordinance, and that no body dare disobey the commands of 
the Creator. The reply to this claim by Yam! is contained 
in the present verse where Yama says that there is no one 
available who knows of the day when they two were created, 
who has seen it, and who can declare so. He condemns Yam! 
for tempting him, and points out to her with awe the 
stern custodians of moral order, Mitra and Varuna, who 
are ever watchful, and from whom no crime can escape 
detection. 

Both these explanations are interesting and convincing, 
and it is difficult to point out, on the basis of consistency 
or accuracy, that either of them is defective. SSyana, how- 
ever, has the advantage pf the support of tradition for his 


1 Wilson, Rigveda, VI. 22 n. 

* The same view is held by Grassmann (Rigveda, II. 297), Muir (op. cit., 
V. 290J Aufrecht (Die Hymnen des Rigveda, II. 497), and Whitney (Atharva- 
veda Samhita, p. 817). 

3 RV. X. 10. 5. 



CHAPTER XI 215 

explanation, 1 and may thus be considered to have scored a 
point over his rivals of the opposite school* 

Still greater is the controversy as regards the meaning 
of the word Vicl which occurs in the last quarter of this verse. 
Sayana understands the word in the sense, of ' hell ' (naraka), 
while almost all the Western scholars interpret the word 
differently. Griffith 2 understands the word to mean* tempt- 
ingly ', and Grassmann 3 in the sense of 'falsely' (falsch- 
lich). Roth and Bohtlingk 4 explain the word by * deceit ' (Trug, 
Verfuhrung). ' 

The fact that the Nighantu and the Nirukta both omit 
the word Vicl from consideration does not prove that Sayana's 
interpretation of the word is not based on tradition, for the 
Vedic commentator Udgltha 5 , who lived centuries before Sayana, 
takes the word in an identical $ense. Sayana's explanation, 
therefore, is based on traditional authority. 

Besides, it is clear that, according to native tradition, 
Yarn! is the speaker in the present verse, and \v r hen the whole 
verse is interpreted this way, the meaning given to the word 
by Grassmann and others cannot fit into the context. To have 
a cogent sense, we have to understand the word in the sense 
given to it by Sayana who, in doing so, follows Udgltha, and 

1 The Sarvanukramani of Katyayana says, like Sayana, that Yarn! is the 
speaker in this verse (Ocitsalunfi Yamayamyos sathvadah, sasfhyayugbhir 
yaml mithunarthath yamam prov&ca, sa tarn navami rgbhir anicchan 
Pratyacasta) . Among Vedic commentators who lived much earlier than S&yana, 
Udgitha "and Verikatamadhava interpret the verse in the same way ; See 
Udgitha's commentary on the T}gveda, p. 18 (Lahore Edn.) and J&gveda- 
bhasyam of Venkatamadhava, Adyar Library Transcript, No. XXXVIII. 
D. 15, pp. 895 ff. 

2 Rigveda. II. 393. 

3 Op. cit. 

4 Sanskrit Worterbuch, p. 1290. 

5 Op. cit. ; curiously enough Venkatamadhava omits to explain this word 
in the course of his commentary on this verse (See Adyar Library Transcript. 
XXXVIII. D. 15, p. 869). This may be due to the fact that bis main aim in 
commenting is to give only a summary of each verse. 



216 XTMAN 

the interpretation of the word Vlci to mean ' Hell ' seems 
justifiable on the ground that it rests on traditional authority. 1 
Besides what has been noticed above, there is one verse 
(RV. X. 152. 4) which also needs consideration at present : 

\ 



Indra is requested in this verse to send down to the nether 
darkness him who seeks to injure his worshippers. 

In a recent article 2 where Professor Norman Brown of 
the University of Pennsylvania attempts to point out what 
the definite name was by means of which the Vedic people 
designated the place of punishment for their wicked after 
death, it is suggested that Asat was the name by which this 
place was called, and that it was meant not for the ordinary 
sinners whose punishment ended with being bound by 
Varuna's fetters or with incurring the displeasure of the gods, 
but for those actively anti-divine creatures like the Raksasas, 
the Yatudhanas or 'the Kimldins who conspire against the 
sacrifice, who injure the pious, and who defraud them of the 
fruit of their good deeds. We are asked to believe that the 
ordered universe is contrasted in this Samhita with the place 
of hell, and the difference between the two is that between 
Aditi and Nirrti, between life and death, between the created, 
ordered and lighted world and the uncreated, unordered and 
unillumined place of dissolution ; the latter is called Asat as 
contrasted with the former which goes by the name of Sat. 
The gods fashioned the orderly universe from the primordial 

1 SSyapa's interpretation here is accepted by Geldner (Gurupujakaumudi, 
p. 22) who sees in this word a direct reference to Hell, but Keith (Religion and 
Philosophy of the Veda, p. 410) finds fault with the latter. 

* Norman Brown, The Rigvedic Equivalent for Hell, J.A.O.S. [{June 
1941), Vol. LXI, pp. 76-80)]. 



CHAPTER XI 217 

chaos which is no other than A sat, the disordered world of 
demons. The famous Nasadtya hymn (RV. X. 129) has to be 
construed in this light, and the Vedic story of the fight 
between Indra and Vrtra is no more than an allegorical 
explanation of the process of the creation of this world. It is 
true that Asat which thus means Hell in the Rgveda does not 
mean so later on. The reason for this is that in the concep- 
tion of Asat and Sat the philosophers found a dualism which 
they " resolved into a monism that comprised the undifferent- 
iated primordial chaos." Often this was left unnamed, but 
when this was named it was called Asat or Skambha or 
Brahman. " This last term finally prevailed, and as it 
prevailed it signified an idea vastly different from that of the 
dreaded Rigvedic Asat. Thinkers, having reflected upon hell, 
passed beyond it, and in passing beyond it turned their back 
upon heaven as well, to find their goal at last in the infinite 
Brahman which transcends both, whether the good or the evil." 

Now, the word Asat occurs sixty times 1 in all in the 
Rgveda in its different forms, and it is a fact worthy of note 
that neither orthodox tradition nor western interpretation has 
ever given the word hitherto the sense of Hell. In forty-five 
out of these sixty occurrences, the word occurs as a finite 
verbal form of the root as, * to be,' Such forms need not be 
considered at present. Only the nominal form Asat with its 
declensional variations has to be noted in the present context. 

Sayana understands the form Asat (accent on the first 
syllable) 3 times in the sense of * untruth ' (asatya), and once 
each in the senses of ' inauspious ' (asrubha), ' unmanifest ' 



1 In RV. II. 26. 1. the word occurs as part of the compound Abhyasat ; the 
forms Asan (accent on the first syllable) and Asan (without accent) occur seven 
times and twice respectively, but even these two words are no where understood 
in any of their occurrences to mean any sort of location either by the 
traditional commentators or by modern interpreters of the Veda. 



218 ATMAN 

(avyakrta), and ' indescribable ' (nirupdkhya) ; the form Asat 
(without accent) is understood once each to mean ' goes or 
reaches ' (gacchati, prapnoti), and ' fruitful J (phalasadhanasa- 
marthah) ; the form Asatah (accent on the first syllable) 
which occurs thrice means 'of the villain' (dttstasya), 
6 of the demon ' (raksasasya) , and * of the not yet existing 
Brahman * (asatsamanat brahmanah) ; the form Asati (accent 
on the first syllable) is used to mean ' colourless Ether ' (nlrupe 
antarikse) and * unmanifest ' (avyakrte). 

The forms Asatd (accent on the first syllable) and 
Asatydh occur once each and mean * misery ' (duhkhena), and 
6 untruthful ' (vacikasatyarahitah) respectively. The form 
Asati (without^accent) which occurs but once (RV. V. 53. 15) 
need not be taken into consideration, as it is used only in a 
verbal sense. 

Sayana's meanings l to the word are, therefore, * in- 
auspicious,' ' unnameable,' 'unmanifest,' ' untruth/ ' misery,' 
' fruitful,' ' to go or reach,' * villain,' * demon,' and ' ether.' 

Roth and Bohtlingk 2 seem to accept only three of the 
meanings given to the word by Sayana viz., ' unnameable or 

1 Yaska supports Sayana in so far as the first of these meanings is 
concerned ; the forms Asat and Asan occur once each in the Nirukta (V. 19 
and IV. 19 respectively), and mean respectively ' will be ' (bhavati) and ' may 
be ' (syuh) as interpreted by Yaska. The word does not occur in the Ntghanfu. 
That Sayana also follows the tradition laid down by his predecessors in the 
field of Vedic interpretation follows from the fact that commentators on the 
Veda like Skihidasvamin, Udgitha, Venkatamadhava and Madhava who 
lived long before him, interpret the word Asat exactly as Sayana does in the 
several contexts in which it occurs. Excepting the case of Venkatamadhava's 
commentary, ,a complete MS. of which is available (Adyar Library MS., 
No. XXXVIII. D. 15), the $est are available only in fragments in their printed 
form. Hence, of the several occurrences of the word Asat, Skandasvamin's 
interpretation is available only for RV. I. 9. 5 ; 89. 5 ; 107. 1 ; 114. 1, (Jdgitha's 
gloss for RV. X. 5. 7 ; 10. 11 ; 27. 1 ; 29. 2., and Madhava's commentary for 
RV. I. 9. 5 ; 57. 2 [See Rgvedabha$ya of Skandasvamin (Madras University 
Sanskrit Series, No. 8), Edited by C. Kunhan Raja; Rgveda with the 
commentary of Udgitha-Acharya (Dayananda College Sanskrit Series, No. 15), 
Edited by Vis'vabhandu S'astri ; Rgvedavy&khya Madhavakrta, Edited by 
C. Kunhan Raja (Adya/Library, 1939]. 

2 Sanskrit Worterbtich, I. 547. 



CHAPTER XI 219' 

indescribable/ ' unmanifest,' and c untruth.' They give the 
following meanings to the word : (1) nicht seiend (not existing)* 
nicht vorhanden (not present), keine realitdt habend (having 
no reality) ; (2) wie es nicht ist oder sein sollte, seiner Bestim- 
mtmg nicht ensprechend, unwahr, unrecht, schlecht (as it is 
not or should not be, having no clear ascertainment, untrue, 
unjust, bad) ; (3) nichtseiendes (non-existing), nichtsein (non- 
existence) ; (4) Unwahrheit (untruth), Luge (lie). The same 
is the case with Grassmann ! who, understanding the word 
both as an adjective and as a noun, gives the following 
meanings : (1) nicht seiend, (2) unwahr, unheilsam, (3) das 
Nichtseiende, (4) Unwahrheit^ Luge. 

To Wallis, 2 the word has only two meanings ; when 
coupled with Vacas, it obviously means ' false,' and otherwise 
it always means ' not yet existing,' which are the same as the 
c untruthful ' (vacikasatyarahitah) and the ' unmanifest ' 
(avyakrta) of Sayana. His reasoning in support of his view 
runs : " The word Asat is used in the Rgveda in two senses, 
as an adjective with vacas ' speech ', and as the converse of 
sat. . . In the first case the meaning is clear ; it is equivalent 
to asatya, the unreal or the false, the converse of that which 
is really the fact. When used with sat it occurs invariably 
in passages of a cosmogonic character ; sat is said to be born 
from- asat, that is, translated into modern idiom, asat precedes 
sat or asat becomes sat ; we are told that Indra made asat 
into sat in a trice ; or asat and sat are mentioned as in 
our hymn (X. 129) as belonging to the first creation. Where 
the two words are coupled together by a conjunction, asat 
always precedes sat. The asat must therefore have had 
in itself the potentiality of existence ; it is not merely the 

1 Wdrterbuch zum Rigveda, p. 153. 
3 Cosmology of the Rigveda, pp. 61 ff. 



220 ATMAN 

* non-existent,' but may almost be translated the ' not yet 
existing,' as bhavat is elsewhere opposed to sat, jdyamanam 
to jatam, and bhavyam to bhutam. It is not colourless as 
our word * nothing,' it is the negation of sat. Thus the 
whole meaning expressed by these dark words is nothing 
more than the process of becoming, the beginning of develop- 
ment or creation." 

It is indeed in RV. VII. 104 ( -AV. VIII. 4) that we 
get an almost complete picture of what we might call the 
" Hell " of the Vedic people. We read here of a serpent- 
infested hovel, cold, dark and silent, which is situated down 
below, where there is neither the Sun nor any other kind of 
light, and which is a veritable place of complete annihilation. 
Indra, Soma and Agni are requested by their devotees to 
consign to this horrid place the entire legion of their enemies, 
whether they be the Raksasas or the Yatudhanas, the 
Muradevas or the Kimldins. There is no indication in 
this hymn or any where else in the Rgveda that this place 
is the natural abode of these enemies of the Vedic poets. 1 
Moreover, the so-called anti-divine creatures denominated 
diversely by the Vedic seers by such terms as the Dasyus, 
Raksasas, S'is'nadevas, and Muradevas are usually no more 
than the aboriginal inhabitants who lived side by side with 
the Vedic people, 3 without observing the religious rites and 

1 Norman Brown, op. cit., pp. 78 ff. 

2 Macdonell, Vedic Mythology, pp. 155, 157 ; ' Hopkins, Religions of 
India, p. 150 n. ; Keith, J.R.A.S. (1911), p. 1002 n. ; Macdonell and Keith, 
Vedic Index of Names and Subjects, II. 382; Muir, Original Sanskrit 
Texts, IV. 407 ff; Grassmann, op. cit. t p. 1053. Sayana seems to consider 
the Muradevas to be a sort of wild tribe regaling in murder (maranakridah) , 
but Roth and Bohtlingk (op. cit., V. 851) seem to consider them as* a ' species 
of goblins' (gewisser Unholde). But it is quite possible that these classes of 
people with whom the Vedic seers were continuously at war need not neces- 
sarily belong to the neighbourly aboriginal class. The entire strife may be a 
civil one, even within the Vedic clan, between the Yajnikas on the one hand, 
and those others who chose to follow a different religion on the other. 



CHAPTER XI 221 

sacrifices performed by them ; and it is only out of full 
devotion to his gods that the Vedic seer invoked them to 
punish all these neighbours who were of a separate belief 
and who did not observe his rituals. 1 Nor is there any 
warrant for the statement that the " ordinary mortals who 
have offended in some inadvertent manner hardly are in 
danger of it (hell)." * The following verses/ bear ample 
testimony to the fact that both the ordinary sinner as well as 
the demon met with the same punishment : 



T 



3T 3 fltff 



il 

In the first verse Indra and Soma are requested to plunge 
the evil-doers (duskrtah) into the depth which is pitch 
dark, so that none of them can ever come out, and thus see 
that their wrathful might prevails and conquers them. 
The term duskrt here need not necessarily denote only 
a demon, but means only any evil-doer (Uebelt hater) 4 . The 

1 Earth, Religions of India, p. 33. 

2 Norman Brown, op. cit., p. 78. 

3 RV. VII. 104. 3, 8. 13 and 14. 

4 nracQmann Rittned/r 1 38H 



222 ATMAN 

remaining three are imprecations 'on ' speakers of untruth ' 
(asadvacah, droghavacah),* and do not definitely specify any 
group of wrong-doers ; in the first of these verses, Vasistha 
curses in anger that the utterer of falsehood who unjustly 
accuses him who follows the right path only, may, even like 
water compressed by the hallowed hand, perish, and the 
slanderer mei^tioned here need not necessarily be a demon. 
The next verse says that Soma supports neither the crooked- 
minded nor one who poses as Ksatriya, but slays instead 
both the former fiend and the latter utterer of falsehood ; 
both these culprits are also said to be entangled in the 
noose of Indra. Granting that the other verses indirectly 
at least refer to the villainy of demons, this verse clearly 
speaks of two kinds of offenders, the demon as well as 
the utterer of falsehood who must belong to the Vedic clan 
alone, and both of whom suffer the same penalty. In the 
last verse Vasistha is chafed at the displeasure of Jatavedas 
towards him for no offence on his part, and points out 
that Agni's anger towards him is unjustified for he worshipped 
neither false gods (anrtadevah) , nor accused the gods as being 
sham, and that destruction should fall only on those who utter 
lies (droghavacah) . This last statement of Vasistha should 
prove that the punishment spoken of repeatedly in this hymn 
is meant not for any particular class of people, but for all 
those who go againsf moral law, by uttering untruth, for 
instance. 

In Vedic India, gambling, uttering falsehood, stealing, 
seduction, adultery, sorcery and witch-craft 2 were considered 
sinful. From the repeated emphasis laid on following ancient 

1 Grassmann (Ibid. t p. 381) renders these words by nicht'ges spricht. 
Liigner, and Lugenredner respectively. 

* RV. X. 34 ; I. 152. 1 ; 42. 3 ; X. 3* * H. 29. 1 ; VII. 104. 24, 15 ; cf. 
supra, pp. 184 ff. 



CHAPTER XI 223 

tradition ! ~ (purvesdm panthdh) it is possible to infer that 
neglect of this duty was also considered criminal* But Sin 
also meant to the Vedic seer not worshipping the customary 
gods (adevayuh), being averse to prayer (brahmadvisah) , being 
irreligious, and offering no oblations and no prayer (avratah, 
apavratah, akarmakrt) ; and the sinner was always punished 
irrespective of the race to which he belonged. True that the 
Dasyus, the Rdksasas, the S'is'nadevas and the like were 
always sinners according to the above definition, but this fact 
does not preclude the possibility of the existence 2 of sceptics 
among the Vedic people even who were condemned by the 
orthodox as vehemently as were the aboriginal neighbours 
who fall outside their clan. It is these sceptics that should 
have been designated by such names as adevayuh, brahma- 
dvisah, avratah, apavratah, asunvatah, ardtayah, aprnatah, 
a&asah,* and then condemned in measureless terms. The 
aboriginal group should have been composed of the Dasyus, 
Muradevas, Rdksasas, A suras, S'is'nadevas, Kimtdins* and 
the like. 

In the hymn under consideration, it is only three verses 
that contain the word Asat and, rightly understood, not one 

1 RV. X. 14. 15 ; 130. 7 ; see also supra, p. 197. 

2 That such a set of people existed in Vedic times is well known. The 
Nirukta (I. 15 ff.) mentions the instance of Kautsa who, not content with 
questioning the authority of the Vedas, puts forth many an interesting argu- 
ment to prove that they are meaningless and that their study is hence futile. 
The Gopatha Brahmana which contains several passages in it (I. 2. 18. 19) 
where attempt is made" to show the superiority of the AV. over the other three 
Vedas may also be regarded as an attempt in the same direction (see my paper 
The Atharvaveda and the Nyayamanjari of Jayantabhatta in the Indian 
Culture, IV. 369 ff. For an excellent treatment of this subject, see Introduc- 
tion to the Nighantu and the Nirukta by Lakshman Sarup, pp. 71 ff. 

3 To the same category belongs the akarman, anrc, anindra, anyavrata, 
apavrata, abrahman, ayajvan, ayajyu. For a fall list, see Appendix B. 

4 Say ana takes this word to mean a carper or calumniator who is ever 
ready to pick holes (Kim idanlm iti carate pis'unaya) : but Roth and 
Bohtlingk (op. cit. t II. 287) and Grassmann (op. cif., p. 325) take the word 
to mean ' a class of evil spirits '. So does Griffith (RV. II. 98 n.) 



224 ATMAN 

of these can prove that Asat means a location or the name of 
a location as we are asked to understand. 1 Two of these 
verses 2 have already been commented upon, but the following 
verse 3 where Asat means * untruth ' may be considered now : 



This verse, according to Sayana, means that, to a thoughtful 
man, it is easy to understand that truth and falsity are op- 
posites ; Soma verily favours only that which is truer and 
more right, but smites the untrue (Asat). The explanations 
of this verse given by Grassmann, 4 Whitney, 5 and Griffith 6 
are in the main* identical with this interpretation of Sayana 
which is quite acceptable. In the face of al) this, one feels 
that it is to give too far-fetched an interpretation to think 
that the above verse means as follows : 

u There is a clear distinction for a man clever (in reli- 
gion). True (sa=existent) and untrue (#sa#=non-existent) 
charms conflict. The true one, the straighter, just the one 
Soma favours. He destroys the untrue." 7 

The too well-known cosmogonic hymn in the RV. (X. 129) 
is most naturally understood as speaking of the birth of the 
world from the primordial chaos which defies all attempts at 
description ; it would only be to read one's own prepossess- 
ed ideas into this hymn to imagine that it narrates the 

1 Norman Brown, op. cit., p. 79. 
3 RV. VII. 104. 8, 13. 

3 RV. VII. 104. 12. 

4 Rigveda, I. 381. 

6 Atharvaveda, p. 488. 
* Rigveda, II. 99. 

7 Norman Brown, op. cit. t p. 77. 



CHAPTER XI 225 

refashioning of this improvised world from what was originally 
the disordered den of demons. 

With the rejection of the view that Asat means Hell in 
the Veda, the need to explain how the word changed its 
meaning later is also obviated. That the Upanisadic Brahman 
has its antecedent in the Sarhhitas ' is an indisputable pro- 
position. It is not by such fanciful hypotheses as the prob- 
able unification of Sat with Asat which was often unnamed 
and sometimes named, that this is satisfactorily proved. It 
is only in the philosophic portions of the Sarhhitas and the 
Brahmanas, in the pantheistic and monotheistic hymns and 
passages in these texts, in the conception therein of Brahman 
and Prajapati, of Pur ( usa and Skambha, of Hiranyagarbha 
and Vis'vakarman, that we have to seek for the real ante- 
cedents of the Brahman of the Upanisads. 

It is thus clear that the Rgvedic seers understood by 
Hell nothing more than an ' underground darkness.' * The 
same view seems to have found favour with the Iranians 
also, for, even in the Avesta, Hell is considered to be full 
of darkness, as contrasted with ' Heaven which is said tc 
be endowed with " lights without beginning " (anagra 

raoca) . 3 

It is in the Atharvaveda that we must seek for a more 
elaborate description of Hell which is already called here bj 
its familiar name Ndrakaloka (AV. XII. 4. 36) in contrast 
with Svargaloka, the Heavenly world, the realm of Yama 
It is also described several times as ' lowest darkness 
(adhamam tamah), 4 'black darkness' (udehi . . . krsnac ci\ 

1 See supra, chapters I and II. 

2 c/. Macdonell. Vedic Mythology, p. 168. 

3 Moulton, Early Zoroastrianism, p. 172. 

4 AV. VIII. 2. 24 etc. 

15 



226 ATMAN 

tamasas pari), 1 and 'blind darkness ' (andham tamas)? It 
is a house which is situated below and which is the abode 
of female goblins and sorceresses. 3 Tp this hell the murderer 
is consigned, 4 and he undergoes here many a torment. A 
rough idea of these torments can be had on perusal of 
AV. V. 19, though the hymn seems to be chiefly intended 
to give an account of the wickedness, and the ruinous conse- 
quences of oppressing, robbing or insulting a brahmin. Those 
who spit or throw filth upon a brahmin, sit (in Hell) eating 
hair in the midst of a stream of blood. 5 A kingdom where 
a brahmin's cow is cooked loses all its glory, and no vigorous 
hero is born in it, 6 while it is broken up if brahmins are 
oppressed in it. 7 An oppressor of brahmins shall have (at 
death) no other water except the tears of those persecuted 
by him, and no other dress except the cloth by which his 
dead victim's feet are tied. 8 ' Though it is not clearly stated 
in this hymn or in similar hymns where these punishments 
are to be undergone, many of the penalties like gatting tears 
for water or sitting in the midst of a stream of blood, do 
suggest that the wicked had to suffer, most of these at least, 
in another world. The Vedic poets are not quite explicit 
on this point, and it is not till the period of the Brahmanas 
that the notion of future punishment seems to be> fully 
developed. 9 

1 AV. v. 30. 11. 

2 AV. XVIII. 3. 3. 

3 AV. II. 14. 3 ; V. 19. 3 ; cf. the Iranian belief before Zarathustra that 
the evil spirit dwelt below as " the good underground," getting, in his sunless 
place, offerings of haoma libations and the blood of a wolf (Moulton, op. cit., 
pp. 128. 173). 

4 Vajasaneyi Sathhitn, XXX. 5. 
*AV. V. 19.3. 

6 AV. V. 19. 4. 

7 AV. V. 19. 6. 
8 AV. V. 19. 12, 13. 

9 cf. A. A. Macdonell, Vedic Mythology, p. 169; Whitney, /.A.O.S., 
XIII. civ; Hopkins, Religions of India, p. 175. 



APPENDIX 

A. NAMES OF SIN 

Amhas, Amhati, Agas, Enas, Ehas, Agha, Papa, Durita, 
Dureva, Anrta, Nirrti, Amati, Acitti, Durmati, Devakilbisa, 
Duskrta, Avadya, Manyu, Dvesa, Rapas, Nidha, Pas'a, Prasiti, 
Setu, Bandha, Sarhhati, Rajju, Sura, Aksa, Vibhidaka, Yatu. 

, B. NAMES OF SINNERS 

Abrahma, Brahmadvis, Brahma yah ninitsat, As'as, As'asti, 
Anrc, Anuktha, Ye na Irayanti, Kadacana Prajigat, Asunvat, 
Arati, Aravna, Dureva, Aprnat, Anahuti, Ararus, Akarman, 
Akratu, Ayajvan, Ayajyu, Ayajnasacin, Avrata, Anyavrata, 
Apavrata, Anindra, Adeva, Adevayu, Amanyamana, Amantti, 
Anrtadeva, Muradeva, S'is'nadeva, Aghas'amsa, Mrdhravak, 
Droghavak, Duskrt, Durmatin, Kimidin, Steyakrt, Stena, 
Paripanthin, Muslvan, Huras'cit, Dhurti, Kitava, Abhidruh, 
Yatudharfa, Yatu, Rahasu, Jarini, Ripu, S'atru, Amitra, 
Amitrayat, Abhimati, Abhis'asti, Ariris, Ririksant, Aghayat, 
Avapadah karta, Himsra, Jighisat, Nid, Sprdh, Sapatna, 
Sridh, Amanusa, Asura, Raksas, Druh, Kravyada, Bahuksad, 
Asutrpa, Ghoracaksas, Krsnatvak, As'ikni, Anasa, Dasyu, 
Dasa, Pani, Vrtra, Ahi, Vala, Danu, Namuci, S'usna, Arbuda, 
S'ambara, Urana, Svarbhanu, Pipru, Dhuni, Cumuri, Tvastra, 
Navavastva, Ahis'uva, Aurnavabha, Drbhlka, Rudhikra, Anar- 
.s'ani, Srbinda, Illbisa, Varcin, Vis'varupa. t 



CHAPTER XII 

CONCLUSION 

A STUDY like this which seeks to take stock of the philosophic 
conceptions of the Vedic seers should only naturally conclude 
with an estimate of the value of these conceptions, especially 
in comparison with the Upanisads which have been accepted 
as the foundation of later Indian Thought. 

A good many scholars have, after studying the Upanisads, 
lost themselves in their appreciation of these texts, and have 
spoken of them in the highest terms. Even the murky 
medium of the Oupnekhat, the Latin rendering of the 
Persian translation of the Upanisads, was enough to extort 
the following tribute from Schopenheur : " Next to the 
original it (Oupnekhat) is the most rewardful reading possible 
in this world. It has been the solace of my life ; it will be 
the solace of my death." 1 No less enthusiastic is Deussen in 
whose view the Upanisads are " the culminating point of the 
Indian doctrine of the Universe." a The same sort of apprecia- 
tion has been voiced forth by a host of other scholars 
who also attempt to compare Upanisadic thought with that 
prevailing in the earlier age of the Sarhhitas and the 
Brahmaiias. 3 The result of such a comparison has very often 

1 Bloomfield, Religion of the Veda, p 55. 

* Deussen, Philosophy of the Upanishads, p. vii. 

1 Supra, pp. 1 ff. 



CHAPTER XII 229 

been the verdict that there is no such thing as philosophy in 
the pre-Upanisadic age, that it is permeated with prayers and 
sacrifices, that such an endeavour started only during the 
Upanisadic age/ and that too among the rival group of the 
Ksatriyas who are outside the brahmanical clan, and are not 
thus entitled to observe brahmanic rites and rituals. The 
Upanisads which stress the value of knowledge are considered 
to be in revolt against the beliefs of the earlier age where 
great importance was attached to rituals and sacrifices ; and, 
since it is impossible to expect the same people to change so 
thoroughly, it is held that the thinkers during the two periods 
are different, the Ksatriyas being the leaders of thought at the 
time of the Upanisads as were the Brahmins at an earlier age. 
The futility of this verdict is obvious, seeing that many of the 
views advanced, especially those that speak of the philosophic- 
al bankruptcy of the pre-Upanisadic period, proceed from a 
hasty glance at the views prevailing in the Samhitas and 
Brahmanas, and from an over-enthusiastic estimate of the 
Upanisads. 

There is nothing in the beliefs of the pre-Upanisadic 
period which should be opposed to any sort of philosophical 
thinking ; on the other hand, it must be clear from the 
foregoing pages that the Vedic seers were aware of all 
those philosophic ideas which go to make up the thought of 
the Upanisads. The Rgvedic seers had quite clearly 
recognized that death is not the end of man, that it destroys 
only his body, and that his real " Se^f " is something 
which survives bodily destruction and reaps the benefits 
of man's deeds on earth. The virtuous went to Heaven 
after death, and the wicked were thrown into the deep abyss 
below where there is no light, and which is infested with 
serpents and goblins. Heaven is three-fold, and men went 



230 ITMAN 

to one or the other of these according to their merit. 
The highest of these which belongs to Visnu, is open only to 
the pious (suri, vipra), and that lower to this, to the immortals 
(umartya) like the Rbhus. The lowest of these three which 
is the abode of Yama, is that to which the common virtuous 
man goes after death to enjoy the happiness he has earned 
by his good conduct on earth. Of the fundamentals of the 
theory of Transmigration these seers also must have been 
aware, though the fact remains that this theory is not found 
fully developed till the time of the Upanisads. Though these 
seers worship numerous gods, most of them personifications 
of nature, there is still in them the quest for the One behind 
the Many, for Unity amidst Diversity, so clearly obvious in the 
conception of Hiranyagarbha and Prajapati, Vis'vakarman and 
Brhaspati, and Purusa. The philosophic hymns which contain 
these ideas may be late, but they still belong to the Sarhhita 
period, for there is not a single hymn in any of the Samhitas 
which can be said to belong to the period of the Brahmanas. 
Nor do these exist in the Samhitas as interpolations. They 
have a distinct place therein, and their presence in the 
Samhitas cannot and should not make one feel that the native 
hfce of prayer is sicklied over with the pale cast of thought. 
These hymns do show a marked advance of thought as com- 
pared with the rest of the hymns ; for this, the reason to be 
adduced is evolution of thought, but not any kind of foreign 
intervention which has, after all, little evidence in support 
except the imagination often of certain not quite unprejudiced 
modern scholars, and which is quite unknown to indigenous 
tradition which regards the Upanisads as nothing more than 
the final portion of the Veda (Vedanta). At the end of the 
Sariihita period, several tendencies towards philosophic 
speculations are seen. These grew more and more in the 



CHAPTER XII . 231 

period of the Brahmanas, and had their full development 
only in the Upanisadic age. 

This tradition about the unity of thought in Vedic 
literature, comprising the Sarhhitas and Brahmanas (the Tatter 
including the Upanisads also) cannot be summarily dismissed 
as a mere theological fiction. The Upanisads themselves 
contain the tradition of the Upanisadic ideas being only a 
continuation and expansion of the philosophical speculations 
found recorded in the Sarhhitas. Many of the philosophical 
hymns and stanzas in the Rgveda are found incorporated into 
some of the Upanisads. 1 This shows that even in the 
Upanisadic period which cannot be very far removed from 
the Sarhhita period, thinkers were aware of a tradition of 
philosophic thought ; and this intimate relation between the 
text of the Upanisads and the text of the Sarhhitas is enough 
evidence to show that just as the Brahmanas explain the 
liturgical portion of the Sarhhitas, so do the Upanisads under- 
take an interpretation of the philosophic portions of the 
Sarhhitas. Further, it is difficult to maintain that the 
Upanisads are confined absolutely to intellectual matters, 
since in many of the Upanisads we come across liturgical 
matter a and glorifications of sacrifices. Philosophy and 
ritualism must thus be considered to have progressed side by 
side along parallel lines without any mutual conflict. There 
is very little evidence in the Vedic Literature itself in support 
of the theory that ritualism preceded and was later superceded 
by intellectualism. There is no reason to believe that thinkers 
like S'ankara accepted unity of thought in the entire Vedic 
literature, or the authority of such a unified text in their 

1 Is'avGsyopanisad, 18 ; Ka$hopani$ad, II. 5. 2 ; Mundakopanisad, III. 1. 

9 See* for instance, the introductory portion of the Br. Up. where certain 
rituals connected with the A&vatnedha are elaborated. 



232 ATMAN 

philosophy, simply to win popularity for their doctrines, or to 
placate any fanatic and irreconcilable section of Hindu com- 
munity. They must have inherited the ancient tradition of 
the mutual harmony between ritualism and philosophy, for 
otherwise they would have completely ignored the Vedic 
texts. In view of these considerations, it is impossible to 
hold the view that Indian tradition is a mere fiction which 
should not be taken too seriously. 

It may be that the philosophical tendencies of the 
Samhitas are only scattered, but are neither connected nor 
systematized ; but it would be wrong, on this score, to dispense 
with them as ' obscure gropings or half-formed myths.' A 
soberer estimate of the Upanisads cannot fail to show that 
these criticisms are as much applicable to the Upanisads. 
In a very interesting article l contributed to the Journal of 
the American Oriental Society, Professor Edgerton deplores 
that the common tendency should be, with ancient as well as 
modern scholars, to systematize and correlate things in the 
Upanisads which, by their very nature, defy such an attempt. 
Edgerton can see no such definite doctrines in the Upanisads 
of which it could be said that it is ' der eigentliche Geist der 
Upanisaden.' These Upanisads have no permanent point of 
view in regard to such questions as how the One Principle 
or Thing was conceived, or what its relations are to the 
empiric Universe. " They are tentative and experimental, 
not fixed and final. They are philosophy in the making. 
They never seem to feel that they have found the ultimate 
truth." Nor is Edgerton able to agree that * the two names 
Brahman and Atman are so predominantly the favourites (in 

1 Source of the Filosofy of the Upaniqads, J.A.O.S. (1916), XXXVI. 
197 ff. Some more views of a similar nature are given by him in his other 
article. The Upanisads: What do They Seek and Why?, J.A.O.S. (1929), 
XLIX. 97 ff. 



CHAPTER XII 233 

the Upanisads) that other expressions are negligible in com- 
parison.' He cannot find that this is so, at least in the older 
Upanisads. His own view is that " the Upanisads as a 
whole proclaim no philosophical system, nor anything" that , 
even remotely resembles a single, unified philosophical sys- 
tem," l and that " every idea contained in at least the older 
Upanisads, with almost no exceptions, is not ne^ to the 
Upanisads, but can be found set forth, or at least very clearly 
foreshadowed, in the older Vedic texts." He seeks to de- 
monstrate the veracity of this claim by the preparation of a 
card-index 2 of the philosophic ideas and expressions in the 
Vedic Sarhhitas, Brahmanas and Upanisads, an examination 
of which should prove ' the close dependence of the Upanisads 
on the older Vedic Philosophy.' 

Nor is it possible to claim that the Upanisads give the 
final answers to the several problems raised by them. Even 
the doctrine of Transmigration, which is considered to have 
found its full form in the Upanisads, leaves several questions 
unanswered. It is stated that the departed Soul goes to 
another world along a certain path which indicates some 
sort of sojourn in the other world before the Soul comes back 
for its rxext life on earth. Side by side with this, there is the 
other statement that as soon as one body is left off, the Soul 
takes another body. There is no adequate explanation regard- 
ing the exact nature of Transmigration on this point. Also 
we are told that all are subject to the law of Karma, and 
every one must pay for his actions ; but it is not stated 
whether there is any scope for the play of free-will which 
gives some sort of power to man over his actions. Nor is 

1 cf. Bloomfield, Religion of the Veda, p. 57; Hume, Thirteen Principle 
Upanishads, p. 9. 

2 For the scheme of this index, see J.A.O.S. (1916), XXXVI. 203. 



234 ATMAN 

there any exhaustive treatment in the Upanisads of questions* 
like man being the absolute maker of his future through his 
present actions, or whether God's grace and such other factors 
also come in in deciding the fate of man. Most important of all, 
there is nothing in the Upanisads which should say what the 
actual nature of the being is who transmigrates. These are 
problems, which are left unanswered ; and if some answer 
is given, it is either too vague or uncertain or indefinite. 
If, therefore, the many philosophical ideas found in the 
Samhitas are not very highly developed, they certainly do not 
lose their philosophical character. If, like the old German 
Nursery Rhyme : 

" O sage mir, wie geht es zu, 

Gibt weisse Milch die rote Kuh " 

it 
the Vedic seers wonder that shining milk should come from 

black and red cows (RV. I. 62. 9), it does not mean 
that all higher thought is remote from them. Statements 
like these are often allegorical and, when understood in 
their true light, they do reveal the great mind behind 
the several utterances in the Veda. It may be that the 
philosophical hymns in the Veda are very few in number, and 
that the many philosophic ideas are only scattered ; but it has 
already been stated that even the Upanisads have neither 
definite nor final answers for several important philosophical 
problems raised by them. It may be that the treatment of 
these questions is fuller in the Upanisads than in the 
Samhitas, but this certainly does not mean that the former 
are not clearly anticipated by the latter. One must also bear 
in mind in this context that, while the Upanisads are distinctly 
philosophical texts, the Samhitas are not so, and that we have 
consequently no right to expect systematic philosophy in such 
texts, even if systematic philosophy did exist at that time- 



CHAPTER XII 23S 

Speaking of the Upanisads, Bloomfield ! says that they 
captivate, not because they are finished products, but because 
they show * the human mind engaged in the most plucky and 
earnest search after truth.' And according to Hume, 2 the, 
Upanisads " represent the earnest efforts of the profound 
thinkers of early India to solve the problems of the origin, 
the nature, and the destiny of man and of the universe, or 
more technically the meaning and value of * knowing J and 
* being/ Though they contain some fanciful ideas, naive 
speculations, and inadequate conclusions, yet they are replete 
with sublime conceptions and with intuitions of universal 
truth." The same can be said of the Samhitas with equal 
justice, with as much accuracy, and without any fear of 
exaggeration. 

I do not claim that I have been able to make 
any revelations, or arrived at positive conclusions regard- 
ing philosophy in times prior to the Upanisadic period. 
My attempt has been only to collect facts, after investigation 
in the Vedic texts, to make out a case for postulating that 
the Vedic Samhitas presuppose a volume of philosophic 
thought that must have been current at their time, although 
these texts, by their very nature, cannot be expected to, and 
do not also, give any systematic treatment of philosophic 
thought. What the nature of philosophy was at the time of 
the Rgveda, we cannot say ; and, for that matter, we cannot 
give a direct answer to a similar question regarding even the 
Upanisads. We cannot speak of the religion or the philo- 
sophy of the Mahabharata or the Puranas, but we know that 
there were philosophic speculations going on during the age 
of the Epics and the Puranas. The same is the case with, 

l Op. cit. t p. 58. 
2 Op. cit., p. vii. 



236 ITMAN 

the Vedic Sarfahitas. We can say what the philosophy is in 
( the Sarikhya system or in the Brahmasutrabhdsya of S'ankara. 
We can also say definitely what the theology or religion of 
Ramanuja is ; but we cannot have the same definiteness in 
matters religious or philosophical in so far as the Vedic texts 
are concerned. It is for this reason that no attempt has been 
made to describe what the Vedic religion was or what 
the Vedic philosophy was during the period preceding the 
Upanisads. All that I have endeavoured to show in these 
pages is that there was vigorous activity in the fields of 
relJf ion and philosophy, even in times anterior to the age of 
the Upanisads. 



BIBLIOGRAPHY 

I. SANSKRIT TEXTS 
(a) Printed 

Baudhayana S'rautasutra, Ed. by W. Caland (Bibliotheca 

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Bhagavadglta (Vanivilas Press Edition). 
Brhadaranyakopanisad (Vanivilas Press Edition). 
Brhaddevata of S'aunaka, Edited by A. A. Macdonell (Harvard 

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Chandogyopanisad (Vanivilas Press Edition). 
Die Hymnen des Rigveda von Th. Aufrecht (In zwei Theilen) 

Leipzig, 1861-1863. 
Jaimimya Brahmana, Edited by Hanhs Oertel (New 

Haven, 1894). 
Jaimimya Upanisad-Brahmana (D. A. V. College Edition, 

1921). 

Kathopanisad (Vanivilas Press Edition). 
Kaus'ika Sutra (Benares Sanskrit Series, No. 145, 1908), 
Kausitaki Brahmana (Herausgegeben und Uebersetzt von 

B. Lindner) Text (Jena, 1887). 
Kausitaki Upanisad (Anandasrama Edition). 
Mahabharata (Bhismaparva) Kumbhakonam Edition. 
Maitrayamya Sarhhita (Herausgegeben von Leopold von 

Schroeder) 2 Vols, (Leipzig, 1881, 1885). 



'238 ATMAN 

Mundakopanisad (Vanivilas Press Edition). 

Nighantu and the Nirukta, The (Ed. by Dr. Lakshman Sarup, 

Lahore, 1927). 
Nirukta with Durgacarya's Vrtti (Anandasrama Sanskrit 

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Paficavims'a Brahmana (Bibliotheca Indica, 1870, 1874). 
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Rgvedabhasya of Skandasvamin, Ed. by Dr. C. Kunhan Raja 

(University of Madras, 1935). 
Rgvedanukramam pf Madhavabhatta, Ed. by Dr. C. Kunhan 

Raja (University of Madras, 1932). 
Rgvedavyakhya Madhavakrta, Ed. by Dr. C. Kunhan Raja 

(Adyar Library, 1939). 
Rgveda Sarhhita, Ed. by Max Muller (6 Vols.), London, 1849-74. 

,, (Bombay Edition) 8 Vols. 

(Vaidic Samshodhan Mandal, Poona) 3 Vols. 

Sanskrit Reader by C. R. Lanman (Boston, 1888). 
Sarvanukramam of Katyayana, Ed. by A. A. Macdonell (Ox- 
ford, 1886). 

S'atapatha Brahmana, Ed. by A. Weber (Berlin, 1855). 
Siddhantakaumudi with the Tattvabodhim (Nirnayasagar 

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S'vetas'vataropanisad (Anandasrama Edition). 
Taittiriya Aranyaka with Sayana's Commentary (Anandasrama 

Edition)-. 

Taittiriya Sarhhita (Mysore Edition). 
Taittiriyopanisad (Vanivilas Press Edition). 
Tantravarttika of Kumarila (Chowkamba Sanskrit Series). 
Udgitha's Commentary on the Rigveda, Ed. by Vis'vabandhu 

S'astri (Dayanand College Sanskrit Series, No, 15). 
V&jasaneyi Samhita with Mahidhara's Commentary, Ed* by 

A. Weber (Berlin, 1852). 



BIBLIOGRAPHY 239 

Vedic Reader for Students by A.A. Macdonell (Oxford, 1917). 

(6) Manuscripts 

Arseyopanisad (Adyar Library MS. IX. B. 184). 
Rgvedabhasyam Vehkatamadhavakrtam (Adyar Library MS. 
XXXVIII. D. 15). ' 

II. WORKS IN MODERN LANGUAGES 

Aitareya Brahmana, Trans, by M. Haug (Bombay, 1863). 

Allgemeine Geschichte der Philosophie von Paul Deussen 
(Erster Band), Leipzig, 1906. 

Altindische Grammatik von Jakob Wackernagel (Lautlehere) 
Gottingen, 1896. 

Altindisches Leben von H. Zimmer (Berlin, 1879). 

Ancient India by H. Oldenberg. 

Ancient India by E. J. Rapson (Cambridge, 1914). 

Ancient Indian Historical Tradition by F. E. Pargiter (London, 
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Anthropological Religion [Gifford Lectures (1891), Univer- 
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Antiquities of India by L. D. Barnett (London, 1913). 

Atharvaveda Sarhhita, Trans, with a Critical and Exegetical 
Commentary by W. D. Whitney (Harvard Oriental 
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Beitrage zur Indischen Kulturgeschichte von R. Garbe 
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Brahma-Knowledge by L. D. Barnett (London, 1911). 

Brahman (Eine sprachwissenschaftlich, Exegetisch, Religions- 
geschichtliche Untersuchung) von Jarl Charpentier (Upp- 
sala Universitets Arsskrift, 1932). 



240 ATMAN 

Brahman : a Study in the History of Indian Philosophy by 

Griswold (New York, 1900). 
Brahman und die Brahmanen von M. Haug (Munchen r 

1871). 
Brhaddevata of S'aunaka, Trans, by A. A. Macdonell (Harvard 

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Buddha von H. Oldenberg (Stuttgart und Berlin, 1906). 
Cambridge History of India (Vol. I) Ancient India, Edited by 

E. J. Rapson (Cambridge, 1922). 
Chips from a German Workshop by F. Max Miiller (Vols. 

I and II). 
Complete Works of Lord Byron, Ed. by Thomas Moore 

(Frankfort, 1846). 
Constructive Survey of Upanishadic Philosophy by R. D 

Ranade (Poona, 1926). 

Cosmology of the Rigveda by H. W. Wallis (London, 1887). 
Das System des Vedanta von Paul Deussen (Leipzig, 1906). 
Der Rigveda (Vollstandig ins Deutsche Uebersetzt, Mit Com- 

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1876-1883. 

Der Rigveda von K. F. Geldner (Gottingen, 1923). 
Der Rigveda von Adolf Kaegi (Trans, by Arrowsmith) Bos- 
ton, 1886. 
Der Rigveda in Auswahl von Karl F. Geldner (In zwei 

Theilen), Stuttgart, 1907-9. 
Der Vedische Mythus des Yama von P. YeKni (Strassburg, 

1890). 
Dialogues of Plato, The, Trans, by Jowett, (Oxford University 

Press, 1931.) 

Die Himrtijelstore im Veda und im Avesta von Hertel. 
Die Hymnen des Rigveda von H. Oldenberg (Metrische und 

Textgeschichtliche Prolegomena) Band I (Berlin, 1888). 



BIBLIOGRAPHY 241 

\ 

Die Indogermanischen Verwandtschaftsnamen von B. Del- 

bruck. 

Die Literatur des Alten Indien von H. Oldenberg. , 

Die Religion des Rigveda von Hermann Oldenberg (Ber- 
lin, 1894). 

Die Samkhya Philosophic von R. Garbe (Leipzig, 1894). 
Early Zoroastrianism by J. H. Moulton (Hibbert Lectures), 

London, 1913. 

Entwicklung der Gottesidee bei der Indern von H. Jacobi. 
Ethics of India by E. W. Hopkins (New Haven, 1924). 
Golden Bough by Sir J. G. Frazer (London, 1923-25). 
Gottingische Gelehrte Anzeigen von R. Pischel. 
Hindu Ethics by John Mackenzie (Oxford University Press, 

1922). 

Hindu Monism by R. Garbe. 
Histoire de la langue latine par Meillet. 
Historical Sketch of Sanscrit Literature (Trans, from the 

German of Adelung), Oxford, 1832. 
History of Ancient Sanskrit Literature by F. Max Miillei 

(London, 1859). 
History of Dharmas'astra by P. V. Kane (Vol. II), Poona 

1941. 
History of Indian Literature by A. Weber (Trans, by J. Mann 

and T. Zachariae) Second Edition, London, 1882. 
History of Indian Literature by M. Winternitz (Vol. I), Trans, 

from the German by Mrs. Ketkar. 
History of Indian Literature by Herbert H. Gowen (New 

York and London, 1931). 
History of Indian Philosophy by R. D. Ranade and S. K. Bel- 

valkar (Vol. II), Poona, 1927. 
History of Indian Philosophy by S. Dasgupta (Vol. I), Cam* 

bridge, 1922. 

16 



242 ATMAN 

History of Sanskrit Literature by A. A. Macdonell (Short 

History of the Literatures of the World, London, 

1917). 
Hymns pf the Atharvaveda, Trans, by R. T. H. Griffith 

(1895-96). 
Hymns of the Rigveda, Trans, by R. T. H. Griffith (2 Vols.), 

1896-97. 
Hymns from the Rigveda, Selected and Metrically Translated 

by A. A. Macdonell (Heritage of India Series). 
Immortality by Count Hermann Keyserling (Oxford Univer- 
sity Press, 1938). 
India (Oriental Religions) by Samuel Johnson (Boston and 

New York, 1872). 
India Old and New by E. W. Hopkins (New York and 

London, 1901). 

Indian Philosophy by S. Radhakrishnan (Vol. I), London, 1923. 
Indian Wisdom by Monier Williams (London, 1876). 
India's Past by A. A. Macdonell (Oxford, 1927). 
India : What Can It Teach Us ? by F. Max Miiller (Lectures 

delivered before the University of Cambridge), London, 

1883. 

Indische Streifen von A. Weber (Band II), Leipzig, 1878. 
Indische Studien (17 Vols.), Edited by A. Weber (Berlin 

and Leipzig, 1849-1885). 
Indogermanische Grammatik von Hirt. 
Indogermanische Mythen von Meyer. 
Introduction to the Science of Language by A. H. Sayce 

(Vol. II), London, 1900. 
La Festin d'Immortalite par G. Dumzil. 
L'Agnistoma par W. Caland and V. Henry. 
La Religion V6dique d'apr^s les hymnes du Rgveda par 

A. Bergaigne (3 Vols.), Paris, 1878-83. 



BIBLIOGRAPHY 243 

Lectures on Comparative Religion by A. A. Macdonell 

(Stephanos Nirmalendu Lectures, Calcutta University, 

1925). 
Lectures on the Origin of Religion by F. Max Mliller (Hibbert 

Lectures, 1878). 
Lectures on the Rigveda by V. S. Ghate (Second Edition), 

Poona, 1926. 

Lehre der Upanishaden von Hermann Oldenberg. 
Licht des Ostens von Hermann Jacobi. 
Men and Thought in Ancient India by Radhakumud Mookerji 

(London, 1924)., 
Miscellaneous Essays by H. T. Colebrooke (2 Vols.), Madras, 

1871-72. 

Mythology by Grimm (Third Edition). 
Nighantu and the Nirukta, The, Trans, by Lakshman Sarup 

(Oxford University Press, 1921). 
Oriental and Linguistic Studies, by W. D. Whitney (New 

York, 1873). 

Oriental Studies by J. Muir. 
Original Sanskrit Texts by J. Muir (5 Vols.), London, 

1872-84. 
Outlines of Indian Philosophy by M. Hiriyanna (London, 

1932). 

Oxford History of India by V. A, Smith (Oxford, 1923). 
Philosophy of the Upanishads by Paul Deussen (Trans, from 

the German by A. S. Geden (Edinburgh, 1906). 
Poetical Works of William Wordsworth (Vol. V), London, 

1843. 
Pre-Buddhistic Indiati Philosophy by B. M. Barua (University 

of Calcutta, 1921). 
Religion and Philosophy of the Veda by A, B. Keith (Harvard 

Oriental Series, Nos. 31 & 32, 1925). 



244 1TMAN 

Religion in Vedic Literature by P. S. Deshmukh (Oxford 

University Press, 1933). 
Religion of the Rigveda by Griswold (Oxford University Press, 

1923). 
Religion of the Veda by Maurice Bloomfield (American 

Lectures on the History of Religions, 1906-7). 
Religions of India by M. Barth (London, 1882). 
Religions of India by E. W. Hopkins (Boston, J.895). 
Rgveda (Textkritische und Exegetische Noten) von H. Olden- 
berg (In zwei Theilen, Berlin, 1909-12). 

Rigveda (Obersetzt und Mit Kritischen und Erlauternden 
Anmurkungen Versehen) von Hermann Grassmann (In 
zwei Theilen) Leipzig, 1876-7. 
Rituallitteratur von Hillebrandt. 

Rudra-S'iva by N. Venkataramanayya (Dr. S. Subrah- 
manya Aiyar Lectures, 1939-40, University of Madras,- 
1941). 

S'atapatha Brahmana, Trans, by Julius Eggeling (Sacred Books 
of the East, Vols. XII, XXVI, XLI, XLIII and 
XLIV). 
Six Systems of Indian Philosophy by F. Max Muller (Collected 

Works, 1903). 
Studies in Early Indian Thought by D. J. Stephen (Cambridge, 

1918). 

Silndfluth von Bopp (1829). 
System of the Vedanta by Paul Deussen (Trans, from the 

German by Charles Johnston, Chicago, 1912). 
Teaching of the Vedas by M. Phillips (London, 1895). 
Theosophy or Psychological Religion by F. Max Muller 

(Gifford Lectures, 1892). 

Thirteen Principal Upanishads by R. E. Hume (Second 
Edition) Oxford University Press, 1931. 



BIBLIOGRAPHY 245 

Vaisnavism, S'aivism and Minor Religious Systems (Grundriss 
der Indo-Arischen Philologie und Altertumskunde) 
Strassburg, 1913. 

Vedachrestomathie von Delbruck. 

Vedic Hymns by F. Max Miiller (Sacred Books of the East, 
Vol. XXXII). 

Vedic India by Z. A. Ragozin (Story of the Nations, London, 
1899). 

Vedic Mythology by A. A. Macdonell (Grundriss der Indo- 
Arischen Philologie und Altertumskunde) Strassburg, 1897. 

Vedische Beitrage von A. Weber (Sitzungsberichte der 
Berliner Akademie). 

Vedische Mythologie von Hillebrandt (1910). 

Vedische Studien von R. Pischel und K. F. Geldner (Band 
II, III). 

Vom Gottlichen Fluidum nach agyptischer Anschauung von 
F. Preisigke (1920). 

Weltanschauung der Brahmanatexte von Hermann Olden- 
berg (1919). 

White Yajurveda, Trans, by R. T. H. Griffith (1899). 

III. REFERENCE BOOKS, JOURNALS, COMMEMORATION 

VOLUMES, ETC. 

Altiranisches Worterbuch von Bartholomae. 

Atharvaveda and the Nyayamanjari of Jayantabhatta, The, 

by H. G. Narahari (Indian Culture, VI. 369 ff). 
Back-ground of the Pantheistic Monism of the Upanisads, 

The, by Hanns Oertel (Oriental Studies in Honour of 

Cursetji Erachji Pavry, London, 1933, pp. 353-360). 
Beginnings of Hindu Pantheism by C. R. Lanman (Address 

Delivered at XXII Annual Meeting of the American 

Philological Association, 1890). 



246 ATMAN 

Brahman by A. Hillebrandt (Encyclopaedia of Religion and 

Ethics, II. 796 ff.) 
Brahman in the Rgveda by Manilal Patel (Bharatiya Vidya r 

IV. 95 ff.) 
Das Brahman von Heft el [Indogermanische Forschungen 

(1925), XLI, 185 ff.] 
Festgabe Jacobi. 
Festgruss an Roth. 
Flamen-Brahman par M. Dumezil [Annales du Musee Gttimet^ 

LI (1935)] 
Henotheism in the Rigveda by E. W. Hopkins (Classical 

Studies in Honour of Henry Drisler, 1894, pp. 75-83. 
Hindu Eschatology and the Katha Upanisad by W. D. 

Whitney (J. A. O. S., 1889, XIII. ciii ff.) 
Home of the Vedic Sacrifice, The, by M. Bloomfield (J.A.O.S. 

1928, XLVIII. 200 ff.) 
Idea of Sin in the Rigveda by H. C. Lefever (Summaries of 

Papers read at VIII All India Oriental Conference, 

1935, p. 3). 

Index of Padas of the Rigveda by F. Max Miiller. 
Indices and Appendices to the Nirukta by Lakshman Sarup 

(Lahore, 1929). 
Journal of the Bombay Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society 

(1847), XI. 406 ff. 
Rumania's Contribution to Philology and Mythology by 

H. G. Narahari (Poona Orientalist, V. 65 ff.) 
Legacy of India, Edited by G. T. Garratt (London, 

1937). 
Message of the Theory of Karma, The, by H. G. Narahari 

(Aryan Path, XL 603 ff.) 

New Theories as to Brahman by A. B. Keith (Jha Commemo- 
ration Volume, 1937, pp. 199 ff.) 



BIBLIOGRAPHY 247 

Notes on Dyaus, Visnu, Varuna, and Rudra by E. W. Hopkins 

(J. A. O. S., XVI. cxlvii ff.) 
On the Morality of the Veda by Rudolf Roth (J. A. O. S. 

1853, II. 329 ff.) 
On the Vedas or Sacred Writings of the Hindus by H. T. 

Colebrooke (Asiatic Researches, VIII. 377 ff.) 
Orient und Occident (Insbesondere in ihren gegenseitigen 

Beziehungen, Forschungen und Mittheilungen) Quarterly, 

Edited by Theodore Benfey. 
Presidential Address to the Vedic Section by Kshetresachandra 

Chattopadhyaya (Proceedings and Transactions of IX 

All India Oriental Conference, Trivandrum, 1937, 

pp. 125 ff.) 
Rigvedic Equivalent for Hell, The, by W. Norman Brown 

(J. A. O. S., 1941, LXI, pp. 76-80). 
S'abdakalpadruma. 
Sanskrit-English Dictionary by Theodore Benfey (London, 

1866). 
Sanskrit Worterbuch (in Kurzerer Fassung) von Otto Boht- 

lingk (St. Petersburg, 1879). 
Sanskrit Worterbuch von Roth und Bohtlingk (7 Vols.) 

(St. Petersburg, 1855-75). 
Sources and Nature of Purusa in the Purusasukta (Rigveda, 

10. 91) by W. Norman Brown (J. A. O. S., 1931, LI, 

pp. 108-118). 
Sources of the Filosofy of the Upanisads by Franklin Edgerton 

(J. A. O. S., 1916, XXXVI, pp. 197-204) 
State of the Dead (Hindu) by A. B. Keith (ERE., XL 

843 ff.) 
Svaha, Svadha and Svasti by C. Kunhan Raja (Journal of 

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Theosophy by Paul Oltramare (ERE., XII. 304 ff.) 



248 ATMAN 

Upanisads : What do they Seek and Why ? by F. Edgerton 

(/. A. O. S., 1929, XLlX pp. 97-121). 
Vacaspatyakos'a. 
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[Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain 

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qf India, Vol. I, pp. 20 ff., Ramakrishna Mission, 

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A. B. Keith (2 Vols.), London, 1912. 
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Band, 423 ff. ; Vierundfunfzigster Band, 49 ff.) 
Visnu in the Veda by R. N. Dandekar (Festschrift Prof. 

P. V. Kane, Poona, 1941, pp. 85 ff.) 
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jdhrigen Doctor jubilaum Albrecht Weber (Gurupiija- 

kaumudi), Leipzig, 1896. 



INDEX 



I^AGE 



ABODES, eight 19 

Aboriginal inhabitants (neigh- 
bours) 182 
condemnation of 223 
composition of 147-8, 223 
as enemies 220 
origin of Transmigration 

among the 174-5 

abrahman 223 

Absolute, Pantheistic 15-16 

Absolutum, Das 30 

Abyss, deep 209-10, 229 

acitas 188 n. 

Actions, man's power over 233 
Active Principle 10 

Adam and Eve 206 

adevayuh 184-5, 223 

adhamam tamah 225 

adhas, meaning of 211-12 

Adhrigu 68 

adhvaryu 127 

Aditi 194, 216 

confession of sin to 206 

as forgiver of sin 198-9 

as guardian of moral 

order 189, 193 

as the most important for- 

giver of sin 203 

as mother of 

(i) eight sons 199 



PAGE 

Aditi as mother of 

(ii) of Mitra, Varunaand 

Aryaman 193 

(iii) Surya 199 

sole power of in releasing 

from sin 193 

__ as upholder of moral law 124 

Aditya 20-1 

Adityas, confession of sin to 206 

fight of with Angirases for 

Heaven 67 

as forgivers of sin 200 

medical skill of 152 

as upholders of moral law 124 
Adult worjien remaining un- 
married 204 
Adultery 196, 222 
agas 193 
agha(s) 193, 201 
Agnayi 111, 129, 131 
Agni,6-8, 10, 52, 120, 129-31, 

193 n., 220 

association of with wisdom 207 
as best and the oldest of 

the Angirases 66 n. 

brother of 

XO Indra 112 

(ii) of the Rbhus 61 

close relation with the 

path of the gods 95-6 

as conductor of the dead 125 
as divine bird 125 



250 



ATMAN 



PAGE 

Agni as donor of immortality 

61 n.,69 

dual character of 105 

as forgiver of sin 199, 201 
as friend 123-4, 154 

as gift of Bhrgus 69 

as God on earth 127 

gods jointly praised with 127 
identification of with 
Varuija, M i t r a and 
Indra 119 

as illuminer of Heaven 

and Earth 119 

as knower of the path of 

the fathers 94 

as leader of the dead 56 

as loosener of fetters of 

worshippers 199 n. 

medical skill of 152, 154 

as messenger of gods 64 

as name of the One God 

(Being) 99 n., 113, 120 

as nearest to man 123 

physical back-ground of 156 
praised by Kus'ikas 69 

as priest 111 

as punisher and remitter 

of sin 184-5, 189, 193 

share of 127 

as son of Dyaus 112 

specially followed by Kav- 

yas 52 n. 

tongue and limbs of 111 

as a visible god 128 n. 

wife of 111 

ahavaniya 20 

Ahi 122, 148 

Ahura-Mazda 53 n. 

aja , 7 n. 

Aja Ekapad 7 

Ajatas'atru, 17, 18, 48, 49 n., 

166, 167 
ajo bhaga 51 



PAGR 

ajo bhaga, meaning of 7-9' 

akarmak?t 223 

akarman 223 n. 

akas'a 19-21, 166 

All-Father 13 

amanyamanan 186 

amartyah 70 

amartyam madam 70' 

amhas(-ti) 193 

Amity, Universal 197 

amtva(va) 153 

amrta 60 

meaning of 70-1 

amrtah 69, 71 n. 

amftatva 61 

amsatra 63, 146 

anagastva 201 

auanda 21, 51 

Ancestors who became im- 
mortal 52 
see also " Fathers " and 

" Manes." 

and ha 153 

andham tarn as 226 

Anger 202 

Angiras 65, 99 

as first discoverer of the 

" path " 106 

sons of 61 n. 

Angirases, 23, 45, 52, 61, 82, 

98-101, 132-3 

as Brahman priests 66 

contest of with Adityas 67 
descendant of 105 

as discoverers of 

(i) Agni hidden in the 

wood 66 

(ii) the Sun . 68 

as friends of Indra 66 

nature of 65-6' 

non-prominence of in the 

" Family Books " 65 

as priests 65-6- 



INDEX 



251 



PAGE 

Arigirases as a race of higher 
beings between gods and 
men 65-6 

as sons of Angiras 65 

Animating Principle 10 

Animism 109-10, 118 

anindra 223 n. 

21, 23 
209 
220 
223 n. 
210 
222 
86 
126 
139-40 
*97 n. 
37 

109, 112 
216, 220 
20 

223 n. 
153 
73 
20-1 



anna 
Annihilation 

place of 
anrc 
anrtah 
anrtadevah 
antariksa 

-sthana 

-sthanadevatah 
antarvidvan 
Antelope, dark 
Anthropomorphism 
Anti-divine creatures 
anvaharyapacana 
anyavrata 
Apala 
apara 
apas 



apavratah 

aprnatah 

arati 

-tayah 
ararusah (se) 



184, 186, 223 

184-5, 223 

185 

184, 223 

185, 187 



arciradimarga, close connec- 
tion of with the Sun 138 
arjuna 153 

arka 34, 157 

meaning of 139 

Arrowsmith 29 n. 

Arya, godless 185 

Aryaman, as punisher and 

remitter of sin 193 

Aryan faith, earliest deposit 

of ' 109 

as f a 21 

asadvacah 222 



PAGE 

asarata 10 

as'asah 184, 223' 

asat 21 

and Hell, rejection of equa- 
tion between 225 
meaning of the word 

217-20, 223-4 
as name of the place of 

punishment 216-7 

asatyah 210 

Ascetics 37, 61 

askambhana 74 n. 

As'ramas, ease and quiet of 170 

Assistance of Gods, kinds of 154 

asta 55 n., 60 

astt 18 n., 19, 51 

forms of 14 

meaning of 14-5 

see also " Attnan," "jiva," 

H ) (<O If 71 C(f~* 1 )) 

manaSj Self, Soul, 
and " Spirit." 

asunvatn samsadam 186 

asunvatah (-vantam) 184-5, 223 
Asuras " 223 

asuti 149' 

as'va, symbolism of 141 

synonyms of 146 

as'vamedha 42 

rituals connected with 

the 231 n. 

As'vapati (Kaikeya), King, 

20, 48, 49 n., 166, 168 
AsVasukti 85 n. 

As'vins 131, 193 n. 

car of fashioned by the 

Rbhus 62-3 

as finders of lost cattle 155 
as forgivers of sin 201 

friendly obligations of 154 
medical skill of 152-5 

physical back-ground of the 1 56 
as punishers and remitters 
of sin 186, 189- 



252 



ATMAN 



ices 68 
68-9 


avi 
avinas'itva 






69 


avirah 


;rs of 


the Sun 


68 


avratah 






44 


avyakTta 






166 


ayajHasacah 






124 


ayajyu 


11, 13, 51, 158, 


232 


ayajvan(am) 


ser 




10 


ayatana 


!er of 


the body 


11 


ayudha 


fire 




28 


ay us 


of 




20 





PAGE 

Atharvan(s), 52, 61, 66, 82, 

100, 131, 132, 134 
as bringers of soma to 

Indra 68 

as establishers of the ordfcr 

of sacri 
nature of 
as priests 
as produce 
Athmen 
Atidhanvan 
aiithi 
Atman 

as charioteer 
as controller < 
as cosmic fire 
definitions of 
as distinct from Brah- 
man 17-46 
i emanations from awakened 18 
essence of body 1 1 
existence known 1-16 
extent of Upanisadic mean- 
ing known in the Rg- 
veda * 46-7 
forms of the word 5, 44 
' germs of Upanisadic 48 
as inciter of the body 10 
as knowledge in essence 12 
knowledge of Rgvedic seers 

regarding nature of 15-17 
meaning of 5-6, 22, 43-6 

promiscuous use of the 

word 22 

synonyms of 3 

< Vais'vanara 20, 166 

see also " asu" " jlva," 

41' * i i /-> * f ty 

manas> Self, 
" Soul," and " Spirit/ 1 
Atmosphere 73-4 

_ deities of the 129-30 

Atreya 42 

Atri 154 



aturasya 
Aufrecht 

Aulana (S'antanu) 
avadya 
avams'a 



PAGE 

198 n. 

214 n. 

96 

194 

74 n. 

146 

70 

187 

184, 223 

218-9 

187 

223 

187, 223 

20 

146 

103 



B 



bala 

Balaki Gargya 

Baldness 

Bali 

bandha 

bares f ma(n) 

barha 

barhi(s) 

Barku Varsija 

Barnett, L.D. 

Earth, M. 



21 

17-8, 48, 166 
153 
122 
194 

26, 31-2 
40 

20, 31, 40 
19, 172 
1 n. 
83 n., 176 n., 



203 n., 204, 208 n., 221 n. 
Bartholomae 35, 106 n. 

Barua, B.M. 1 n., 47 n. 

Battle, names of the 147 

Baum 1 2 

Becoming, process of 220 

Being who transmigrates, ac- 
tual nature of the 234 
Belvalkar, S.K. 1 n., 21 n. 



Benefits from 

meaning of 
Benfey 
Bergaigne 



gods, subtle 

157^8 

64, 199 n. 

25, 65 n,, 67 n. 



INDEX 



253 



PAGE 

Beschwdrungen 32, 33, 35 

bhadra, meaning of 152 

Bhandarkar, R.G. 83 n. 

Bh&radvaja 21 

bharzh-is (man) 31 

bhelgh 40 

Bhisma 91 n. 

Bhrgus 52, 61, 65, 66, 82, 

100, 111, 130, 132, 134 
as establishers of Agni in 

wood 69 

as fathers 68-9 

as priests 69 

bhrunahanta 201 

bhuman 21 

bhumi 73, 98 

tisrah bhumlh 76 

Birth(s), quality of 92 

a sleep and a forgetting 55 n. 
three ' 8 

and death, path of recur- 
rent 137-8 
Blessed in Heaven and the 
gods, difference between 
the 60 
blindness 153 
Bloomfield, Maurice, 1 n., 
15 n., 27 n., 67, 83 n., 
87 n., 121, 126 n., 162 
n., 173 n., 202 n., 208 

n., 228 n., 233 n. 
bluznis 40 

Boat, divine 194 

Body, the chariot 10 

distinct from Soul (Spirit) 14-5 
essencelessness of 10 

revival of mundane 56, 59 
Bohtlingk, 7 ?., 30, 45, 65, 
70, 77 n., 93-4, 97 n., 
98 n., 104, 160 n., 215, 

218, .220 n., 223 n. 
Bondage 194 

Bopp 25 



PACE 

brag-r 29, 43 

brahmacarin (s) 37, 39 

brahmadvisah 184, 186, 223 
Brahman, 26, 90-1, 100, 158, 
163-4, 169, 172, 187, 217, 

225, 232' 

antecedents of Upani- 
sadic, 225 
associated with Brhaspati 4 
attributes of 5-6 
climax of Atman 18 
correspondence with Fla- 

men 4 n. 

as cosmic fire 28 

cosmogonic 36 

creative 27 

definitions of 18-9, 48, 166 
development of cosmic 35-9 
dialogues on 17-20 

as the divine principle 31 
doctrine of 166 

essence of 21 

extent of Upanisadic mean- 
ing known in the Rg- 
veda 46-7 

forms of 3,23-5 

germs of Upanisadic 48 

as the highest of the castes 42 
meanings of 3-4, 22-43, 149 
as mediator between nlen 

and supernatural powers 41 
not yet existing 218-9 

pantheistic Absolute 15 

priest 12, 26-7, 45, 66, 127 
promiscuous use bf the 

word 22 

quest regarding nature of 20-1 
survival of Rgvedic mean- 
ing in the Upanisads 47-8 
symbolism of 21, 39 

as Upanisadic Absolute 15-6 
views regarding nature of 
the highest 19-20 



^54 



ATMAN 



PAGE 

^Brahman, words occurring 

along with 34 

and Atman, close relation 
between Upanisadic and 
Rgvedic doctrines re- 
garding 16 

Brahmanacchamsin 26 

Brahmaijas, consequence of 

deeds in 180-1 

contrasted with Upanisads 2 
notion of future punish- 
ment in 226 
philosophical tendencies 

in 164-5 

stories in 167-8 

Brahmanenkraft 38 

brahmavarcasn 48 

brahmavat 48 n. 

Brahmavidya v 167 

Brahmin [s,-an, s, Brahmaija 
(s)], authors of pre- Upani- 
sadic thought 2 
offering of 42 
privilege of 167 n. 
relation with the Ksatri- 

yas 41, 162-71 

slaying of 42, 207 

story of five 20 

tradition of 164 n. 

-hood 37 

brahmodya 207 

Ppay/co? 29 

Breach of duty and moral 
delinquency, difference be- 
tween 208 
brhadratha 169 
brhank$ayah 85 
Brhaspati, (Brahmaijas- 

pati) 23,45,113,118 

abstraction of 156 

as companion of Indra 127 
conception of 230 

medical skill of 152 



PAGE 

Brhaspati, m i 1 c h - c o w 

fashioned for 63 

as a pantheistic god 140 

as priest 111 

punishment of for sinner 186 

bricht 26, 43 

Buddha 167 n. 

buddhi 12 

Buddhism 174 

Ksatriya origin of 164 n., 

167 n. 

-ists, sacred texts of 176 

Bull, symbolism of 141 

Burden, heavy 194 

Business, dishonesty in 196 

Byron 55 n. 



caksus 19-20, 172 

candramas, as a deity re- 
ceiving praise 129 
as a lunar deity 137 
Cattle 19 
finders of lost 155 
Caverns, unbounded 210 
Celestial deities 130-1 
light, realm of 75 
Ceremonial duties, neglect 

of 207 

Chariot 146 

compared with human body 10 
Charpentier, Jarl 25 n., 

27 n., 28 n., 31, 32 n., 

33 n., 35 n., 39 

Chattopadhyaya, K.C. 43 n. 
Chrematheism 116-17 

cinvato(vat) -peretu, Aves- 

tan conception of 106 n. 
cit 12, 21, 51 

citta 21 

cithra 29 

Civilization, relation of with 
language 144 



INDEX 



255 



PAGE 

Civilization, spiritual and 

materialistic aspects of 143-4 
Clarified butter, sacrifice of 109 
Colebrooke, H,T. 160 n., 205 
Colour, brown 38 

Commentators earlier than 

Sayana 215 n., 218 n. 

Concord, domestic 196-7 

universal 197 

Conduct, good 230 

nature of 92 

Contents of the Rgveda, com- 
prehensive analysis of 144-55 
Continency 205 

Cosmic fire, Indo-Iranian 

doctrine of 28 

Cosmogonic (Nasadiya) 

hymn 217, 224 

Cow 157, 207 

brown sacrificial 37 

consequences of cooking 

brahmin's 226 

names of 146 

Creation, beginning of 220 

Creator, commands of 214 

Cremation 9 

Crime(s), gravity of 207-8 

-inals, different kinds of 209 

Crooked-minded 222 

Cyavana 153 



dalria 29 
daka, meaning of 146, 149 
daksiqak$i 18 n. 
daksinayana, 91 
damunas 123 
dana 92 
-stuti ' 187 
Dandekar, R.N. 83 n. 
Danu 122 
darkness, surrounding and in- 
extricable 210 



PAGE 

dar&ata 154 

dasa, godless 185 

meaning of 148, 150 

Datfagvas 65, 82 

assisting Indra 

(i) in detecting the cowp 68n. 

(ii) in discovering the Sun 68 

as chief Angiras 67 

nature of 67-8 

as people moving in groups 

of ten 67 

variety of Angirases 66-8 
winners of ten cows 67 

Das Gupta, S. 1 n., 172 n. 

dasra 153 

Dasyu(s) 184, 220 

non- worshipping 185 

riteless 187 

Dawn 120 

glory of 10 

Dead, heavenly abode of 176-7 
heavenly body of 177 

leaders of the 56 

reverence paid to the 111 
ruler of the 55 

Dealer 196 

Death, extinction by 209 

fear of 54 

messengers of 56 

path of 96 

recalling from 15 

Vedic idea of 79-80 

Deeds, consequence of 179-81, 

216, 229 

odour of virtuous 181 

Deep-sleeper, illustration of 

the 18 

deha 10, 44 

Deities, Atmospheric 139-40 

Celestial 139-40 

Terrestrial 138-40 

Delbruck, B, 25, 207 n. 

Demon(s) 210, 221-2 



256 



ATMAN 



PAGE 

Demonfs), disordered den 

(world) of 217,225 

names of 147-8 

priapic or lustful 188 n. 

villainy of 222 

Desert-tracts 150 

Deshmukh, R. S. 1 n. 

Desires, names of gods who 

fulfil 151 

Deussen, Paul 1 n., 15 n. f 
22 n., 25, 30, 45, 49 n., 
90 n., 104-5, 161, 162 n., 

165-6, 175, 228 

devagana 129-30, 132, 134 

devakilbtsa 193 

devaloka 91 n. 

devapana 70 

devapatnyah 131 

devatrah 86 n. 

devayqvah 86 

devayand 88, 91, 104-6 

close connection with the 

Sun 138 

knowledge of Jlgvedic seers 
compared with that of 
the Upanisadic seers 94-7 
leading to the world of 

gods 96-7 

lustrous nature of 94-5 

meaning of the term 93-4 
path of immortals 96 

Upanisadic inspired by 

Vedic conceptions .101 
dhama, turiyam 76 n. 

dhanvasu , 150 

dharma(n) 151, 167 n. 

dhena * 29 

dhumamarga, termination of 

at the Moon 1^7 

dhyana 21 

dhenu 63 

Dialogues on Brahman, Upa- 
nisadic 17-20 



Dice 

fascination of 

influence of 

passion for 
Didyma, oracle at 
dlksa 

Dlrghatamas 
Disease 

influence of 

names of 
Disputations, subtle 



PAGE 

200, 202 

195 

194 

205 

29 

37 

85 n., 154 
207 
198 
153 
19 



Distress (Misfortune), syno- 
nyms of 151 
div 74 
-as, ah 20, 77 
tisrah par av at ah 77 
tisro k 76 
Divinity 101 
Jewish -Christian ideas of 30 
-ies, cosmogonic 37 
Division, fallacies of 126 
divo naka 74 
Dogs, four- eyed and brindled 56 
Domestic life 204 
Dove, messenger of death 56 
drapsa 81 
Drink, names of 149 
types of 149 
droghavacah 222 
Dropsy 178, 198 
ducchuna 148 
Dumezil, M. 31, 39-40, 70 n. 
Durga 67 n., 126 n. f 135, 

137, 188 n. 

durita 195 

meaning of 147, 151 

duskrta 194, 221 

dveah 187 

Dwelling, names of 150 

dyauh 78 

Dyava-Prthivl 74 

as punishers and remitters 

of sin 189,201 



INDEX 



257 



PAGE 

Dyava-Prthivi as universal 

parents of gods 111-12 
dyun inn 76 

dyusthana 86, 126 



EARTH 53 n., 55, 78 n. 

names of 73-4 

-s, three 75 n. 

-ly life, healthy joy of 172 

love of 54 

Edgerton, Franklin, 1 n., 

162 n., 165 n., 232 
Egypt 26 n. 

Ehni, J. 78 n. 

Eloquence, old Norsian 

God of 29 

Embryo, slaying of 207 

enas 193 

Enemies, kinds of 147-8 

legion of 220 

Enjoyment in Heaven, 

permanence of 59 

Epics, dignity of Visiiu in, 87 

theory of Transmigra- 
tion in 176 
Eschatological conceptions 209 
essentia brahmanica 38 
Etymologists, Pre-Yaska 127 
Evil-doers 221 

-forces, worship of 196 

-life, infinite continuation 
of 209 

-spirit, Iranian conception 

of offerings to 226 n. 

Existence, misery of 54 

permanent 59 

Eye-sight, cure of defects in 153 



FALSE IN SPEECH 
in thought 
-hood (untruth) 
17 



210 
210 
196 



PAGE 

Falsehood, utterer of, 222 

Family, want of peace and 
concord in 196 

relations, continuation of 

in the next world 79 n. 
Fate, deciding factor of 234 

imagery of human 180 

Fathers, path to the 56 

unnamed 52 n. 

see also " Ancestors " and . 

" Manes." 

Faute de mieux 165 

Felicity, domestic 196-7 

synonyms for 152 

Fetters 199 

Varuna's 216 

Fick 25 

Fields, names of 149 

Fiend 222 

nocturnal 36 

Fire(s), Avestan synonyms of 29 

Cosmic 27, 28, 45 

doctrine of the five 90-1 

gastric 21 

internal in man 27 

flagro 48 

fldmen 29, 40 

identity with Brahman 39-40 

similarity with Brahman 43 
Flood 194 

Flute, sound of the 57 

Food, names of 148-9 

Fravashis, powers of 53 n 

Frazer, Sir J. 40 

Free-will, scope for play of 233 
French Revolution 108 

Friendship 157 

fulgeo 28 

Future life, Vedic idea of 56 



gabhira, meaning of 210 

-athpadam 210 



258 



ATMAN 



gadha , 

meaning of 
Gait, attractive 
Gambling 
Garbe, Richard 



PAGE 

209 

211 

12 

195, 222 
In., 49 n., 



162, 164 n., 165 
Gardabhivipita Bhara- 

dvaja 19, 172 

Gargl 49 n., 168 

garhapatya 20 

Garratt, G.T. 176 n. 

gatu 54, 150 

meaning of 98 

gauh 157 

Gautama 21, 168 

gavesana 155 

gayatn metre 127 

Gebete 34 

Geist der Upani$aden, der 

eigentliche 232 

Geldner, Karl F., 13, 27, 70 

n,, 71 n., 76 n., 78 n., 216 n. 

Ghate, V. S. 173 n. 

Ghosa 153 

Gifts, sacrificial 41 

gir 34 

girik$it 85 

-sjha 85 

Goblins 229 

abode of female 178 

God (s) , abstract 114 

atmospheric 126-8 

celestial 126-8 

classification of, 126-7, 128 n. 

conception of 126 n., 141-2 

continued connection after 

death 125 

difference indignity 

among 132-8 

disbelief of old 163 

displeasure of 216 

eight 19 

forgivers of sin 198-201 



PAGE 

God(s), friendship of, 121, 

123-4, 154-5 

fusion of individual per- 
sonalities of 119-20 
grace of 234 
human qualities of 111-12 
incidental mention of 128 
individual characteristics of 

131-2, 207 

jurisdiction of each 207 

love towards 108 

maintenance of moral order 

by 124, 189-93 

medical skill of 152 

moral quality of 206 

non-worship of customary 223 
number of 127 

pantheistic 113-4 

physical back -ground of 

59, 156-7 

as protectors of men 121-2 
, relationship among 111-12 
relative age of the mytho- 
logical conception of 126 n. 
relative greatness of 126 n. 
solar 206 

stage of personification 

of 126 n. 

storm 206 

terrestrial 126-8 

transparent, translucent 

and opaque 126n. 

worshippers of mad 184 

of numerous 109 

and demons, distinction be- 
tween 110-11 
and manes, distinction bet- 
ween 100 n M 132-8 
and men, relation between 

30, 108-25, 141-2, 183 
Goddesses 129-30 

Godless 213 

gotra, meaning of * 145 



INDEX 



259 



<Gold, names of 

{josukti 

Gott unpersonlich 

Grace, Divine 

Grass 



PAGE 

145 

85 n. 
30 
39 
38 



Grassmann, Hermann, 7 n,, 
13, 14, 25, 45, 93-4, 
97-8 n., 104, 193 n., 
209 n., 210-13, 214 n., 

215, 219, 220-23n., 224 
_grhapati 123 

Griffith, R.T.H., 5n., 7, 10, 
13, 44 n., 77 n., 83 n,, 
97 n., 104-5, 214-15, 

223 n., 224 

Grimm 29 n. 

Griswold 34, 111 n., 192 n. 

Grube 212 

tiefe 209 

H 

haoma libations, offerings 

of 226 n. 

Happiness, synonyms for 152 
hart , 63 

Haris'candra 178 n., 198n. 

haris'rt 145 

Hauch 45 

Haug, Martin, 4 n., 12, 13, 

25, 27, 31, 35, 38 
havirbhajah 126, 138-41 

havis, 23, 86, 126, 128, 129 n., 

131 n., 132, 134-6, 140 
offerings of 148 

Heart, searching of 207-8 

Heaven, 14, 53 n., 64, 93 n., 

96, 101, 133-4, 176, 229 
as abode of eleven gods 127 
conception of 183 

deities of 130-1 

enjoyments in 57-9 

as highest of the three 
worlds 88 



PAGE 

Heaven a